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LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


OF" 


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Class  * 


THE  CASE  MEMORIAL  LIBRARY. 


WITH     THE      COMPLIMENTS     OF     THE     FACULTY     OF     THE 
HARTFORD    THEOLOGICAL    SEMINARY. 


LIFE  OF  ULRICH  ZWINGLI 

THE  SWISS  PATRIOT  AND 
REFORMER 


THE  CHAPTERS  OF  THIS  BOOK 
WITH  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


WERE    PRESENTED    TO 

THE    HARTFORD    THEOLOGICAL    SEMINARY 

AS   A    THESIS   FOR  THE    DEGREE   OF 

DOCTOR    OF    PHILOSOPHY 

BY 

SAMUEL  SIMPSON 


ULRICH   ZWINGLI. 

(Reproduced  from  a  photograph  of  the  Hans  Asper  portrait  in  the 
Zurich  City  Library.) 


LIFE   OF 


ULRICH  ZWINGLI 


THE  SWISS  PATRIOT  AND 
REFORMER 


By   SAMUEL   SIMPSON 


UNIVEK 

^      OF 
i^UFORH^ 


NEW   YORK:    THE  BAKER   &   TAYLOR   CO. 
33-37  EAST  SEVENTEENTH  STREET,  UNION  SQUARE  NORTH 


2/7 


COPYRIGHT,  igoa 

BY 

THE  BAKER  &  TAYLOR  CO. 
Publishtd  September,  lfJ02 


NEW  YORK 

KAY  PRINTING  HOUSE 
66-68  CENTRE  ST. 


TO   MY   WIFE 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 

THE  Protestant  Reformation  has  proved  a  fa- 
vorite theme  with  church  historians,  and  to  name 
or  even  to  enumerate  the  volumes  that  have  been 
written  on  the  subject  would  be  of  itself  a  large 
undertaking.  The  interest  felt  by  a  great  com- 
pany of  readers  in  this  particular  era  and  its  spe- 
cial attractiveness  to  historical  writers — facts 
amply  attested  by  the  existence  of  a  vast  and  rap- 
idly increasing  literature — is  a  circumstance  so 
well  recognized  and  clearly  understood  that  the 
writer  feels  that  the  briefest  explanation  or  apol- 
ogy will  suffice  to  account  for  the  appearance  of 
an  additional  book. 

As  subjects  of  study,  the  men  who  played  the 
leading  parts  in  the  great  drama  of  the  Reforma- 
tion are  more  interesting  than  the  events  in  which 
they  figured.  The  chief  interest  in  the  German 
Reformation  centers  about  Luther;  in  the  Scot- 
tish Reformation,  about  Knox;  in  the  Swiss  Ref- 
ormation, about  Zwingli  or  Calvin,  according  as 
attention  is  directed  to  the  German-speaking  or 
French-speaking  portion  of  that  country.  That 
Luther  fully  deserves  the  large  measure  of  con- 
sideration accorded  him  by  historians,  and  the  af- 
fectionate veneration  in  which  his  name  is  held 

110010 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 

by  all  branches  of  the  Protestant  church,  no  one 
will  feel  disposed  to  question;  that  Zwingli,  his 
contemporary,  is  worthy  of  nothing  better  than 
the  meager  place  to  which  fame  has  assigned  him, 
many,  from  a  sense  of  justice,  find  it  hard  to  ad- 
mit. Luther  and  Zwingli  were  called  of  Provi- 
dence to  perform,  at  the  same  time  and  in  adjoin- 
ing countries,  tasks  almost  identical.  The  moral 
and  spiritual  equipment  of  each  for  the  inestima- 
ble service  they  were  to  render  to  the  cause  of 
Christianity  was  'such  as  apparently  to  entitle 
each  to  a  like  measure  of  credit  and  to  an  equally 
affectionate  regard  on  the  part  of  posterity.  That 
writers  of  history  have  proved  so  partial  respect- 
ing their  memory  is  traceable  not  so  much  to  any 
essential  difference  in  their  characters  or  dispar- 
ity in  their  achievements  as  to  accidents  of  birth, 
by  which  it  was  determined  that  the  life  and  la- 
bors of  one  should  be  set  upon  a  large  stage — 
made  the  focus  of  the  world's  gaze — while  the 
other  was  called  to  perform  the  same  noble  part 
in  the  presence  of  fewer  witnesses  and  in  a  thea- 
ter of  miniature  dimensions. 

When  materials  were  collected  for  this  biog- 
raphy, with  the  exception  of  one  or  two  transla- 
tions, there  was  no  life  of  Zwingli  in  the  English 
language  worthy  of  the  name.  An  excellent  vol- 
ume on  Zwingli  (in  English)  has  recently  ap- 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 

peared,  the  joint  work  of  Professors  Jackson, 
Vincent,  and  Foster.  Students  of  Zwingli  will 
appreciate  most  this  latest  contribution  to  the  lit- 
erature of  the  subject.  It  was  the  writer's  con- 
viction of  the  urgent  need  of  a  brief,  readable  and 
authoritative  life  of  Zwingli  in  the  English  lan- 
guage that  induced  him  to  undertake  the  present 
work,  and  in  the  labor  of  composition  he  has  en- 
deavored to  keep  steadily  in  mind  the  require- 
ments of  the  general  reader,  for  whom  the  work 
is  primarily  designed.  So  far  as  the  needs  of  stu- 
dents are  concerned  there  is  little  call  for  a  new 
work  on  Zwingli's  life.  For  them  the  scholarly 
and  exhaustive  biographies  of  J.  C.  Morikofer 
and  Rudolf  Stahelin  would  seem  to  satisfy 
every  demand.  Mindful  of  the  purpose  and  scope 
of  the  work,  the  writer  has  sedulously  resisted 
the  temptation  to  needlessly  multiply  foot-notes 
and  references.  While  the  volume  is  not  de- 
signed as  a  guide  to  the  study  of  Zwingli  from 
the  original  sources,  the  references  will  be  found 
sufficiently  full  to  answer  all  ordinary  require- 
ments of  the  student.  They  indicate,  in  the  main, 
the  sources  from  which  the  facts  embodied  in 
the  narrative  have  been  gathered.  First  of  these, 
and  most  important,  Zwingli's  complete  works. 
The  references  are  to  the  Schuler  and  Schulthess 
edition  (HULDREICH  ZWINGLI'S  WERKE.  Erstc 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 

vollstandige  Ausgabe  durch  Melchior  Schuler 
und  Joh.  Schulthess.  Zurich:  1828-61.  8  vols.) 
Frequent  reference  is  also  made  to  Heinrich  Bul- 
linger's  Reformationsgeschichte,  and  to  the  bio- 
graphical sketch  of  Zwingli  written  by  his  friend 
and  contemporary,  Oswald  Myconius.  This  work 
by  Zwingli's  long-time  friend  and  warm  admirer 
is  eulogistic,  as  we  would  expect. 

Of  the  biographies  of  Zwingli  that  have  been 
found  most  helpful, .mention  must  be  made  of 
Christoffers  Huldreich  Zwingli.  Leben  und 
ausgewdhlte  Schriften;  Morikofer's  Ulrich 
Zwingli  nach  den  urkundlichen  Quellen;  and 
Stahelin's  Huldreich  Zwingli  Sein  Leben  und 
rfirken,  nach  den  Quellen  dargestellt. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  volume  the  chief 
aim  has  been  absolute  fairness  and!  accuracy  of 
statement.  The  writer's  conscientiousness  in  this 
regard  has  compelled  him  to  spend  much  time  in 
the  wearisome  but  fascinating  task  of  searching 
libraries,  especially  those  of  Continental  Europe, 
in  which  the  Zwingli  literature  is  principally 
stored.  But  with  all  this  painstaking  care  he  has 
not  the  temerity  to  claim  absolute  correctness  for 
every  statement  made. 

The  bibliography  at  the  close  will  be  found  use- 
ful to  the  special  student.  It  is  compiled  mainly 
from  Georg  Finsler's  Zwingli-Bibliographie. 
Verzeichnis  der  gedruckten  Schriften  von  und 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 
uber    Ulrich    Zwingli.     (Zurich:   Orell   Fiissli, 

1897.) 

Thanks  are  due  to  the  Rev.  James  I.  Good, 
D.D.,  of  Reading,  Pennsylvania,  for  his  courte- 
ous assistance  in  the  matter  of  the  illustrations, 
all  but  one  of  which  were  made  from  photo- 
graphs in  his  possession;  to  Prof.  Williston 
Walker,  Ph.D.,  D.D.,  of  Yale  University,  who 
read  the  first  draft  of  the  manuscript  and  offered 
many  valuable  suggestions  regarding  it.  But  for 
the  stimulus  of  his  sympathetic  interest  in  the 
work,  and  his  words  of  personal  encouragement, 
it  is  highly  probable  that  the  manuscript  never 
would  have  been  submitted  to  the  publishers. 

SAMUEL  SIMPSON. 

Hartford,  Conn.,  September,  1902. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  L— INTRODUCTION. 

The  Protestant  Reformation  a  widespread  movement, 
9. — Dualistic  in  its  beginnings,  10. — Origin  of  the  Swiss 
Republic,  10. — Influence  of  environment  on  the  Swiss 
people,  12. — Reason  for  special  interest  in  the  religious 
history  of  Switzerland,  13. — Luther  and  Zwingli,  13. — 
Reformation  in  Switzerland  affected  by  federal  polity, 
14. — Date  at  which  Christianity  was  introduced  into 
Switzerland,  15. — Need  of  reform,  15. — Foreign  military 
service,  16. — Interest  in  study  of  the  classics,  17. — Points 
of  union  and  divergence  in  Lutheran  and  Reformed 
Churches,  17. 


CHAPTER  II.— PARENTAGE  AND  SCHOOL  LIFE. 

The  Toggenburg  valley,  20. — Wildhaus,  21. — Zwingli's 
Hiitte,  21. — Zwingli's  parents,  brothers  and  sisters,  and 
near  relatives,  22. — Childhood,  23. — School  life,  26. — 
Student  in  Vienna  University,  28. — In  Basel  University, 
29. — His  master's  degree,  30. — Thomas  Wyttenbach,  31. — 
Leo  Jud,  32. — Becomes  pastor  of  Glarus,  33. 


CHAPTER  III. — ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  OF  GLARUS.,  1506-1516. 

Zwingli's  faithfulness  as  a  priest,  35. — Begins  the  study 
of  Greek,  36. — His  study  of  the  Bible  and  the  Church 
Fathers,  38. — Preaches  against  the  sins  of  the  community, 
39. — Italian  wars,  39. — Evils  of  the  mercenary  service, 
42. — Battle  of  Novara,  45. — Battle  of  Marignano,  46. — 
Compares  the  Ambrpsian  with  the  Roman  ritual,  47. — 
Views  on  the  authority  of  the  Bible,  49. — Zwingli's  tran- 
sition from  Roman  Catholicism  to  Protestantism  com- 


CONTENTS, 

pared  with  Luther's,  51. — Establishes  a  Latin  school  in 
Glarus,  52. — Introduced  to  Erasmus,  52. — Oswald  My- 
conius,  53. — Hatred  of  the  French  party,  54.— Accepts  call 
to  the  Abbey  of  Einsiedeln,  55. 


CHAPTER  IV.— ZWINGLI  AT  EINSIEDELN,  1516-1518. 

The  Abbey  of  Einsiedeln,  57. — Zwingli's  influence  over 
Geroldseck,  59. — Progress  in  the  Christian  life,  60. — His 
studies,  61. — Opportunity  to  observe  abuses,  62. — His  pol- 
icy in  dealing  with  abuses,  63. — Character  of  his  preach- 
ing, 64. — Begins  to  doubt  the  validity  of  the  hierarchical 
claims  and  to  question  the  authority  of  the  Pope,  65. — 
His  papal  pension,  66. — Urges  the  Bishop  of  Constance 
to  undertake  the  correction  of  abuses,  66. — Preaches 
against  the  sale  of  indulgences,  68. — Friends  labor  to 
secure  his  election  as  parish  priest  of  the  Great  Minster, 
Zurich,  70. — Opposition,  71. — Elected  by  a  large  majority, 
72. — Charges  against  his  character,  73. 


CHAPTER  V.— ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  AT  ZURICH.— His 
LABORS  THERE  UNTIL  THE  FIRST  DOCTRINAL  DISPU- 
TATION, 1519-1523. 

Zwingli's  arrival  in  Zurich,  76. — Visits  Glarus  and  re- 
signs his  benefice,  78. — Preaches  in  the  Great  Minster, 
78. — Luther's  writing  brought  to  Switzerland,  81. — Sam- 
son, the  indulgence  seller,  visits  Zurich,  82. — Zwingli  goes 
to  Pfaefers  for  his  health,  84. — Returns  to  Zurich  to  min- 
ister to  his  plague-stricken  townsmen,  85. — Succumbs  to 
the  plague,  86. — Dejection  of  friends  on  hearing  of  his 
illness,  87. — Effect  of  Zwingli's  illness  on  his  character, 
91. — Visits  Basel,  92. — Zwingli's  preaching  finds  accept- 
ance with  the  city  magistrates,  95. — Begins  the  study  of 
Hebrew,  97. — Bishop  of  Constance  sends  deputation  to 
investigate  the  condition  of  affairs  at  Zurich,  100. — 
Threats  against  Zwingli's  life,  105. — Preaches  in  the  nun- 
nery of  Oetenbach,  no. — Francis  Lambert  visits  Zwingli 
in  Zurich,  no. — Zwingli's  marriage,  112. — Petition  of  the 
Reform  clergy  to  the  Bishop  and  to  the  Diet  of  the  Con- 
federacy, 114. — Zwingli's  relatives  in  the  Toggenburg  val- 
ley disapprove  of  his  teachings,  117. 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VI. — ZWINGLI  AT  ZURICH  FROM  1523-1526.— 
FROM  THE  ZURICH  DISPUTATION  TO  THE  CONFERENCE 
OF  BADEN. 

Zwingli  petitions  the  Great  Council  for  permission 
publicly  to  explain  and  defend  his  views,  120. — The  Sixty- 
seven  Articles,  120. — The  Zurich  Disputation,  122. — Let- 
ter of  Pope  Adrian  VI.,  124. — Hostility  of  Romish  party 
in  Lucerne,  126. — Commentary  on  the  Sixty-seven  Ar- 
ticles, 127. — Radical  reforms  undertaken  in  Zurich,  127. — 
Treatise  on  The  Canon  of  the  Mass,  128. — Zwingli's  cau- 
tion as  a  reformer,  128. — Deeds  of  iconoclasm,  129. — 
Clergy  of  the  canton  called  together  to  discuss  the  sub- 
ject of  images  and  the  mass,  131. — Effect  of  the  disputa- 
tion on  the  Church,  134. — Further  reforms  in  Zurich,  137. 
— Zurich  warned  by  the  Federal  Diet,  137. — Rupture  be- 
tween the  Reform  and  Catholic  cantons,  139. — Pastors  of 
Zurich  petition  the  Great  Council  for  the  reestablishment 
of  the  Lord's  Supper,  140. — The  Lord's  Supper  cele- 
brated, 141. — Zwingli's  studies,  142. — The  Anabaptists, 
145. — Zwingli's  measures  against  them,  150. — Progress  of 
the  Reformation  in  the  Toggenburg  valley  and  the  Gri- 
sons,  156. — Alarm  of  the  Romish  party,  158. — Confer- 
ence of  Baden,  159. — Zurich  undertakes  the  formation  of 
a  league  for  the  defense  of  the  Gospel,  164. 


CHAPTER  VII.— ZWINGLI'S  VIEWS  ON  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER. 
— THE  SACRAMENTAL  CONTROVERSY,  AND  THE  MAR- 
BURG COLLOQUY. 

Doctrinal  differences  separating  the  German  and  Swiss 
Reformers,  165. — Developed  their  particular  views  inde- 
pendently, 167. — Zwingli  influenced  by  Cornelius  Hoen, 
John  Wessel,  and  Erasmus,  168. — Luther's  view,  170. — 
Zwingli's  views  as  set  forth  in  his  Confession  of  Faith, 
172. — The  Council  of  Zurich  prohibits  the  sale  of  Carl- 
stadt's  writings,  174. — Progress  of  the  controversy,  175. — 
Its  effect  on  Luther,  179. — CEcolampadius'  views,  180. — 
Charles  V.  and  the  Pope  make  plans  for  the  suppression 
of  the  Reformation,  183. — Philip  of  Hesse  invites  the 
German  and  Swiss  Reformers  to  meet  in  conference  at 
Marburg,  184. — Zwingli  seeks  permission  of  the  Zurich 
Council  to  visit  Marburg,  186. — The  journey,  187. — Pri- 
vate interviews  between  the  leading  disputants,  188. — The 


CONTENTS. 

Colloquy,  190. — Zwingli  and  the  Landgrave  disappointed 
over  the  result,  198. — The  Marburg  Articles,  201. — Luther 
and  Zwingli  leave  Marburg,  207. — Short  season  of  calm, 
208. — The  Diet  of  Augsburg,  208. — Tetrapolitan  Confes- 
sion, 208. — Butzer's  formula,  209. 


CHAPTER  VIII.-— POLITICO-RELIGIOUS  COMPLICATIONS  — 
DEVELOPMENTS  PREJUDICIAL  TO  THE  REFORM  CAUSE. — 
BEGINNING  OF  EVENTS  WHICH  PRESAGED  DISASTER. — 
THE  FIRST  WAR  OF  CAPPEL. 

Zurich  and  Constance  enter  into  an  alliance,  213. — In- 
dignation of  the  Forest  Cantons,  215. — Treaty  of  alliance 
formed  between  the  Forest  Cantons  and  Austria,  217. — 
Zurich  sends  secret  ambassador  to  Venice,  221. — The 
King  of  France  wishes  to  join  the  Burgher  Rights,  221. 
— Zwingli's  plans  thwarted  by  Bern,  222. — Troubles  in  St. 
Gall,  225. — Zwingli's  policy  and  plan  of  action,  227. — 
Arrest  and  martyrdom  of  Jacob  Kaiser,  228. — Zurich  de- 
clares war,  229. — The  opposing  armies  meet  at  Cappel, 
231. — The  treaty  of  peace,  240. — The  news  of  the  treaty 
received  at  Zurich  and  Bern,  241. 


CHAPTER  IX.— THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL.-— ZWINGLI'S 
DEATH. 

The  terms  of  the  treaty  unsatisfactory  to  both  parties, 
243. — The  Catholic  Cantons  make  new  approaches  to 
Austria,  244. — The  Abbey  of  St.  Gall  still  an  occasion  of 
strife,  245. — Zurich  favors  a  warlike  invasion  of  the  For- 
est Cantons ;  Bern  favors  a  blockade,  250. — The  blockade 
declared,  251. — Suffering  in  the  Forest  Cantons,  252. — 
Zwingli  blamed  as  the  agent  of  all  the  misery,  253. — He 
asks  to  be  dismissed  from  his  position,  257. — Unsuccessful 
attempts  to  bring  about  a  settlement  at  the  Diet  of  Brem- 
garten,  258. — Zwingli  goes  to  Bremgarten,  259. — His  de- 
spondency, 261. — The  Forest  Cantons  declare  war  against 
Zurich  and  Bern,  263. — Zurich  warned,  264. — A  detach- 
ment of  six  hundred  men  sent  to  Cappel,  265. — Council  of 
war  held,  266. — Call  to  arms,  26611 — Zwingli  accompanies 
the  main  body  of  the  troops  to  Cappel,  267. — The  battle 
of  Cappel,  269. — Zwingli's  death,  273. — The  news  of  the 
battle  borne  to  Anna  Zwingli,  276. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

ULRICH  ZWINGLI Frontispiece 

ZWINGLI'S  BIRTHPLACE:  WILDHAUS 

Facing  page  24 

GLARUS Facing  page  40 

EINSIEDELN Facing  page  62 

BASEL Facing  page  166 

MODERN  ZURICH Facing  page  262 


UNIVERS 


LIFE  OF  ULRICH  ZWINGLI. 


CHAPTER  I. 
INTRODUCTION. 

THE  religious  revolution  that  swept  over  Eu- 
rope in  the  early  half  of  the  sixteenth  century 
was  a  movement  the  origin  of  which  can  be  as- 
cribed to  no  one  nation  or  people,  much  less  to 
any  one  man.  With  respect  to  its  beginnings 
it  defies  all  attempts  at  localization.  No  coun- 
try of  Europe  embraces  within  its  borders  a  place 
which  can  claim  the  proud  distinction  of  being 
the  cradle  of  the  great  Reformation.  In  point 
of  time  equal  difficulty  is  experienced  when  we 
attempt  to  fix  upon  the  precise  date  at  which 
this  great  movement  began.  For  a  long  period 
God  had  been  preparing  for  it  in  the  hearts  of 
His  people,  and  was  only  awaiting  the  fullness  of 
time  when  He  should  vindicate  in  the  sight  of  all 
men  the  power  of  His  truth.  Historically,  the 
Protestant  Reformation  stands  forth  as  one  of 
the  choicest  fruits  of  that  great  intellectual  awak- 
ening of  the  fifteenth  century  known  as  the 
Renaissance. 

Dark  as  the  religious  world  appears  immedi- 


io  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

ately  preceding  the  era  of  the  Reformation,  the 
lamp  of  divine  truth  had  at  no  time  suffered  com- 
plete extinction.  Here  and  there  in  the  midst  of  a 
Church  deeply  engrossed  in  worldly  ambition, 
the  prey  of  venal  and  designing  princes,  ener- 
vated by  moral  corruption  within  and  without, 
were  found  those  who  still  retained  the  pure  love 
of  God  in  their  hearts,  and  earnestly  strove  to 
realize  in  their  lives  the  purity  and  power  of 
Christ's  teachings.  The  leaven  of  the  true  gospel 
had  never  wholly  departed  from  the  Papal 
Church;  but,  robbed  of  its  life  by  the  assump- 
tions of  the  Roman  system,  it  was  not  until  the 
fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  that  it  began  to 
display  a  vital  activity. 

Geographically  considered,  the  Reformation 
was  dualistic  in  its  beginnings.  The  light  burst 
forth  simultaneously  from  two  centers  in  the  old 
world.  It  gleamed  amidst  the  dark  forests  of 
Saxon  Thuringia.  It  lighted  up  the  fertile  val- 
leys intersecting  the  lake  region  of  Switzerland, 
and  dispensed  its  beams  from  the  loftiest  peaks 
of  the  Helvetic  Alps.  In  Germany  the  torch 
was  kindled  by  Martin  Luther.  In  Switzerland, 
by  Ulrich  Zwingli. 

The  Swiss  Republic,  in  its  genesis  and  devel- 
opment, has  little  to  distinguish  it  from  the  larger 
republics  which  have  since  taken  their  place 


INTRODUCTION  n 

among  the  nations  of  the  world,  and  with  whose 
history  we  are  more  familiar.  On  August  ist, 
1291,  three  forest  cantons,  Uri,  Schwyz,  and 
Unterwalden,  entered  into  an  "  eternal  cove- 
nant," and  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Confeder- 
acy which  has  grown  apace  by  conquest,  pur- 
chase, and  the  incorporation  of  new  territories 
until  at  present  it  numbers  twenty-two  cantons, 
with  a  population  of  about  three  millions  of  souls. 
The  first  canton  to  gain  admittance  to  the  origi- 
nal Confederacy  was  Lucerne  (1332) ;  Zurich 
followed  (1351);  Glarus  and  Zug(i352);  Bern 
(I353)j  Freiburg  and  Soleure  (1481);  Basel  and 
Schaffhausen  (1501);  Appenzell  (1513).  Thus 
there  were  in  all  thirteen  cantons  at  the  time  of 
the  Reformation.  With  them  were  connected 
many  free  bailiwicks*  and  several  cities.  The 
Swiss  Confederation,  as  we  now  know  it,  dates 
from  the  Congress  of  Vienna  (1815). 

Switzerland,  situated  as  it  is  in  the  heart  of  the 
Alps,  is  a  land  of  dizzy  peaks  and  abysmal  val- 
leys, having  every  variety  of  climate.  On  the 
high  altitudes  of  the  Bernese  Oberland  are  felt 
all  the  rigors  of  a  northern  winter;  while  in  the 
deep  defiles  to  the  south  one  finds  the  slopes 
bathed  in  tropic  sunshine  and  the  air  laden  with 


*Gemeine  Herrschaften,  comprising  Aargau,  Thurgau,  Wallis, 
Geneva,  the  Grisons,  the  princedom  of  Neuchatel  and  Valangin. 


12  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

the  warmth  and  fragrance  of  perpetual  spring- 
time. As  in  the  case  of  Greece,  the  peculiar  to- 
pography of  the  country  has  exercised  an  impor- 
tant influence  on  the  national  life  and  character 
of  the  people.  The  lofty  mountain  ranges  cross 
and  recross,  thus  forming  the  natural  boundary 
lines  of  numerous  little  provinces.  Sectionally 
inclosed  in  numerous  valleys  by  these  great  walls 
of  granite,  a  national  feeling  naturally  arose 
resembling  in  its  warmth  a  feeling  of  brother- 
hood. The  hardships  of  life  upon  the  moun- 
tains produced  a  strong,  vigorous,  and  dar- 
ing race.  Their  mountain  fastnesses  imparted  to 
them  a  sense  of  ownership  as  well  as  security 
against  invaders.  All  their  environments  were 
conducive  to  the  production  of  a  hardy,  loyal, 
and  liberty-loving  people.  The  student  of  his- 
tory is  often  impressed  with  the  truth  that  the  size 
of  a  country  cannot  be  taken  as  a  measure  of  its 
historical  importance.  The  little  country  of 
Greece  has  affected  the  world  far  more  profound- 
ly than  the  great  Assyrian  Empire.  Switzer- 
land's place  among  the  nations  of  Europe  must 
not  be  determined  by  her  territorial  limits,  but 
by  the  influence  which  she  has  exerted  on  the 
heart  and  life  of  the  world,  the  contribution  which 
she  has  made  to  the  world's  progress  and  civili- 
zation. 


INTRODUCTION  13 

Our  interest  in  the  religious  history  of  Switzer- 
land springs  from  the  fact  that  she  is  the  garden 
in  which  was  sown  the  seed  that  ultimately 
developed  into  what  are  now  known  as  the  Re- 
formed churches,  by  which  we  mean  that  great 
aggregation  of  ecclesiastical  families  which  trace 
their  origin  to  Zwingli  and  Calvin,  as  distin- 
guished from  those  which  regard  Luther  as  their 
church  father,  bear  the  Lutheran  name,  and  ac- 
cept the  Augsburg  Confession  as  their  doctrinal 
symbol.  The  seed  sown  ere  long  became  a 
mighty  tree  under  the  fostering  care  of  the  Swiss 
reformers.  Enemies  on  every  hand  imperiled 
its  life.  Buffeted  by  the  fierce  and  frequent  blasts 
of  political  and  religious  antagonism,  and  ex- 
posed to  the  rude  blows  of  a  radicalism  even 
more  bitter  than  the  Romanism  it  opposed,  it 
developed,  as  we  might  expect  under  such  disci- 
pline, the  vigor  and  sturdiness  of  the  mountain 
oak. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  draw  any  close  com- 
parison between  Luther  and  Zwingli,  as  to  their 
personal  characters  or  their  respective  places  in 
the  history  of  the  Protestant  Church.  To  do  so 
would  be  an  injustice  to  both.  A  different  work 
fell  to  the  lot  of  each,  and  each  was  greatest  in 
his  own  sphere.  Luther  was  the  "  road-break- 
er "  of  the  Reformation.  He  was  the  first  to 


I4  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

assert  the  supremacy  of  conscience  instructed  by 
the  Word  of  God  over  the  decrees  of  popes  and 
councils,  and  is  therefore  justly  entitled  to  the 
first  place  among  the  honored  company  of  re- 
formers. But  if  we  compare  his  work  geograph- 
ically with  that  of  the  Swiss  reformers,  of  whom 
Zwingli  was  leader,  we  shall  find  that  the  prepon- 
derance of  influence  exerted  on  the  world  is 
greatly  on  the  side  of  the  Swiss.  Lutheranism  as 
a  system  has  not  attained  any  great  hold  outside 
of  Germany.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Reformed 
doctrines  have  extended  westward  and  north- 
ward into  France,  Holland,  England,  Scotland, 
and  thence  across  the  seas. 

The  success  of  the  Reformed  doctrines  in 
Switzerland  was  powerfully  affected  by  the  pe- 
culiarities of  the  federal  polity.  Originally,  and 
for  a  long  time  after  the  Reformation  period,  the 
republic  was  a  loose  confederation  of  independ- 
ent states,  ruled  by  a  Diet  of  one  house  in  which 
all  the  cantons,  large  and  small,  were  equally 
represented.  Thus  the  confederation  was  one  of 
states,  not  of  the  people.  It  is  not  surprising, 
therefore,  that  the  gospel  met  with  defeat  in  the 
Diet  at  a  time  when  the  majority  of  the  people 
were  favorable  to  it.  The  lack  of  a  centralized 
government,  however,  rendered  it  morally  im- 
possible to  enforce  the  decrees  of  the  Diet,  a  cir- 


INTRODUCTION  15 

cumstance  which  left  the  Reformed  cantons 
practically  undisturbed  in  the  exercise  of  their 
worship.  Had  Switzerland  possessed  at  this  time 
a  popular  government  like  our  own,  sufficiently 
centralized  to  insure  the  enforcement  of  its 
edicts,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  the  Reformers,  be- 
ing in  the  ascendancy,  would  have  attempted  to 
force  their  doctrines  upon  the  Catholic  cantons, 
and  would  thus  have  brought  about  a  reaction 
which  would  have  greatly  retarded  the  progress 
of  the  gospel. 

The  date  at  which  the  gospel  was  first  brought 
to  Switzerland  is  not  known.  It  was  very  early, 
some  time  during  the  third  or  fourth  century, 
when  that  region  of  Europe  was  part  of  the  Ro- 
man Empire,  Geneva  is  the  seat  of  the  first 
church  and  bishopric.  During  the  Middle  Ages, 
Switzerland,  then  wholly  in  subjection  to  the 
papal  see,  was  divided  into  six  dioceses — Geneva, 
Constance,  Basel,  Coire,  Lausanne,  and  Sion. 

The  need  of  reform  in  Switzerland  is  abun- 
dantly evinced  in  the  deep  and  widespread  cor- 
ruption which  prevailed  in  the  Church  at  this 
time.  The  wretched  moral  condition  of  the  laity 
is  not  surprising  when  we  consider  the  contami- 
nating influence  of  the  foreign  military  service, 
and  the  profligate  example  set  them  by  their 


1 6  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

spiritual  guides,  the  clergy.*  So  universally  ig- 
norant and  superstitious  were  they  that  none 
could  be  found  who  in  intellect  and  moral  influ- 
ence were  able  to  cope  with  the  evangelical  lead- 
ers. As  to  their  private  lives,  if  we  accept  the 
statement  of  Zwingli,  who  was  himself  a  priest, 
and  therefore  in  a  position  to  know  the  facts, 
"  scarcely  one  in  a  thousand  was  chaste/'  The 
foreign  military  service  was  a  practice  the  evils 
of  which  Zwingli  fully  perceived,  and  he  opposed 
it  with  all  the  energy  and  ardor  of  a  devoted  pa- 
triot. 

For  generations  the  crowned  heads  of  Europe 
and  the  popes  had  rivaled  each  other  in  bids 
for  the  service  of  Swiss  soldiers  in  their  re- 
spective armies.  The  courage  of  these  sturdy 
mountaineers  made  their  services  in  the  field 
eminently  valuable.  The  Swiss  returned  from 
the  battlefields  flushed  with  victory,  but  bearing 
with  them  pensions  which  forbade  their  con- 
tinuing longer  the  old  life  of  simple  frugality, 
and  having  acquired  a  general  dissoluteness 
that  clearly  foreboded  the  degeneracy  of  the 
nation.  Zwingli,  while  pastor  at  Glarus,  thrice 
accompanied  the  mercenaries  of  his  congrega- 
tion as  chaplain  to  the  field  of  battle;  and  al- 


*  Vide  Morikofer,  Ulrich  Zw.,  vol.  I.,  p.  67 ;  Egli,  Actensamm- 
lung,   p.    62. 


INTRODUCTION  17 

though  his  spirit  was  fired  by  the  bravery  of  his 
countrymen,  his  heart  bled  as  he  saw  brother 
pitted  against  brother,  shedding  each  other's 
blood  for  the  gold  of  foreign  princes. 

Looked  at  from  the  other  side,  a  hopeful  in- 
dication was  an  increased  interest  in  the  study  of 
the  classics,  the  tendency  of  which  was  to  stimu- 
late thought  and  thereby  open  the  eyes  of  men 
to  the  abuses  of  the  Church.  In  the  University 
of  Basel,  Thomas  Wyttenbach  (1505-1508) 
taught  theology,  and  fearlessly  attacked  the 
mass,  indulgences,  and  celibacy.  Erasmus,  of 
Rotterdam,  the  humanist  and  renowned  scholar 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  spent  sixteen  of  the  best 
years  of  his  life  at  Basel.  Here  he  published 
his  Greek  Testament  and  numerous  other  works. 
In  fact,  Basel  at  this  time  was  a  leading  center 
of  literary  and  reformatory  ideas.  Its  busy  press- 
es reproduced  the  works  of  Luther,  and  in  its 
lecture-rooms  were  heard  the  voices  of  Capito, 
Hedio,  and  (Ecolampadius. 

It  is  instructive  to  note  certain  points  of  union 
and  divergence  in  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed 
Churches  as  they  grew  up  under  their  respective 
leaders.  When  the  two  great  heads  of  the  Ref- 
ormation met  at  the  Marburg  Conference  they 
came  to  substantial  agreement  on  all  the  fifteen 
articles  of  faith,  drafted  as  a  basis  of  concord, 


1 8  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

except  one.  Luther  would  not  consent  to  Zwing- 
li's  symbolic  understanding  of  Christ's  presence 
in  the  eucharist.  At  a  later  date  Calvin  brought 
the  Reformed  Churches  nearer  the  Lutheran  on 
this  doctrine.  Luther  regarded  justification  by 
faith  the  cardinal  doctrine  of  the  gospel.  Zwingli 
taught  this  doctrine  as  clearly  as  did  Luther,  but, 
like  Calvin,  seemed  to  subordinate  it  to  the  more 
basic  doctrine  of  eternal  foreordination  by  God's 
grace.  Their  views  harmonized  on  the  doctrine 
of  universal  priesthood.  Calvin  was  a  rigid  dis- 
ciplinarian and  conceived  and  elaborated  at  Gen- 
eva an  ecclesiastical  theocracy.  Luther  gave  lit- 
tle heed  to  discipline  and  the  practical  affairs  of 
church  life,  but  devoted  all  his  energies  to  the 
reformation  of  doctrine  and  faith.  Neither  Lu- 
ther nor  Zwingli  conceived  of  a  church  independ- 
ent of  state  interference  or  control.  Luther  was 
born  a  monarchist  and  entertained  a  profound 
reverence  for  monarchical  institutions.  His  idea 
of  obedience  to  state  law  comprehended  not  only 
the  domain  of  outward  conduct,  but  the  province 
of  faith  also-.  Zwingli  placed  the  authority  of  the 
Gospel  above  the  state  and  sought  to  make  the 
state  an  instrument  for  the  enforcement  of  its 
precepts.  His  scheme  of  reform  did  not  stop 
with  the  inner  life  of  the  individual,  but  compre- 
hended the  reorganization  of  society  in  conform- 


INTRODUCTION  19 

ity  with  the  demands  of  Scripture.  Another 
mark  of  difference  between  the  two  churches  is 
the  relative  prominence  given  in  each  to  the  men 
who  were  the  principal  factors  in  their  creation. 
The  Lutheran  Church  is  distinctively  the  church 
of  Luther.  It  bears  his  name,  and  the  worshiper 
is  reminded  in  a  multiplicity  of  ways  of  the  work 
of  the  Saxon  Reformer.  In  the  Reformed 
Churches  there  is  no  such  obtrusion  of  names  or 
labeling  of  doctrines.  A  possible  explanation  of 
this  difference  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the 
Reformed  Churches  in  their  final  development 
stand  forth  as  the  work  of  many  instead  of  one. 
Zwingli  planted,  but  the  watering  was  left  to  Bui- 
linger,  Calvin,  Knox,  and  others. 

The  course  of  events  has  abundantly  proved 
that  each  branch  of  the  two  great  evangelical 
families  has  its  place  in  the  Redeemer's  kingdom. 
The  science  of  theology  and  the  science  of  Bibli- 
cal and  historical  criticism  are  deeply  indebted 
to  Luther  and  his  followers.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Reformed  Churches  have  proved  themselves 
the  more  liberal  and  enterprising.  They  have 
molded  a  type  of  Christian  character  distin- 
guished for  courage  and  progressive  spirit. 
Chiefly  have  they  ever  recognized  the  urgency 
of  Christ's  parting  command,  and  led  in  the 
work  of  carrying  the  gospel  to  heathen  shores. 


20  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

CHAPTER   II. 

PARENTAGE     AND     SCHOOL     LIFE. 

FAR  above  the  level  of  Lake  Zurich,  in  the 
canton  of  St.  Gall,  lies  the  quiet  valley  of  the  Tog- 
genburg.  From  Wyl,  at  its  western  extremity, 
the  highway  gradually  ascends  along  the  banks 
of  the  Thur  to  Gams,  a  distance  of  thirty-five 
miles.  The  traveler  with  a  passionate  fondness 
for  the  noble  scenery  in  which  Switzerland 
abounds  will  find  few  pleasures  so  enchanting  as 
a  ride  through  this  valley.  As  he  journeys 
toward  Gams  the  view  in  all  directions  becomes 
more  interesting  and  grandly  picturesque.  Look- 
ing to  the  north  from  Alt-St-Johann  he  sees,  if 
the  day  be  clear,  the  snow-capped  crown  of  the 
Sentis,  the  highest  mountain  in  the  canton  of 
Appenzell.  In  the  same  direction,  and  much 
nearer  at  hand,  rise  the  lofty  peaks  of  the  Som- 
merigkopf  and  the  Altmann.  Turning  his  eyes 
southward  across  the  valley  he  surveys  the 
Churfirsten  range  in  its  whole  extent,  rising  like 
a  seven  turreted  battlement  against  the  sky. 
Far  to  the  east,  in  which  direction  the  valley  grad- 
ually descends,  tower  the  Tyrolese  Alps,  pierc- 


PARENTAGE  AND   SCHOOL   LIFE        21 

ing  with  their  jagged  summits  the  distant  line  of 
the  horizon  and  presenting  to  the  eye  of  the 
beholder  a  picture  of  unparalleled  mountain 
grandeur.  Near  the  head  of  the  valley,  and  also 
near  the  place  where  the  river  Thur  has  its  rise, 
there  grew  up  some  time  during  the  eleventh  or 
twelfth  century  a  little  village  named  Wildhaus. 
The  villagers,  like  most  Swiss  peasantry  at  the 
present  day,  were  shepherds,  herding  their  flocks 
upon  the  mountains,  and  depending  on  them  as 
their  only  means  of  livelihood.  Somewhat  re- 
moved from  the  village  proper,  in  a  little  com- 
munity called  Lysighaus,  there  stood  in  the  last 
half  of  the  fifteenth  century  a  rude  chalet,  owned 
and  inhabited  by  a  man  named  Zwingli.  After 
the  lapse  of  more  than  four  hundred  years  this 
primitive  mountain  home  is  still  standing  in  a 
fair  state  of  preservation,  and  because  of  its  his- 
toric associations  is  the  goal  of  many  a  pilgrim- 
age. A  signboard  near  the  roadside  directs  the 
traveler  to  *'  Zwingli's  Hittte"  *  Although  of 


*The  "  Zwingli  Hutte  "  stands  back  from  the  highway  a  dis- 
tance of  perhaps  thirty  yards.  With  the  exception  of  the  front, 
which  overlooks  the  valley,  it  is  completely  incased  with  boards 
to  protect  it  from  the  ravages  of  the  elements.  From  the  front 
door  a  narrow  corridor  traverses  the  ground  floor.  To  the  right 
as  you  enter  is  the  living-room.  An  ancient  Of  en  occupies  con- 
siderable space  in  one  corner,  and  with  the  exception  of  a  small 
desk  constitutes  all  the  furniture  in  the  room.  On  the  opposite 
side  of  the  corridor  is  a  small  apartment,  probably  a  bedroom. 
The  one  remaining  room,  at  the  rear,  has  an  earthen  floor  and 
was  doubtless  used  as  a  kitchen.  The  wooden  walls  and  ceilings 
are  perfectly  plain,  devoid  of  even  the  rudest  attempt  at  orna- 
mentation, and  are  now  black  with  age.  There  is  nothing  about 


22  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

humble  circumstances,  and  pursuing  the  same 
lowly  occupation  as  his  neighbors,  such  was  the 
piety  and  integrity  of  this  man  that  his  fellow- 
villagers  made  him  Ammann,  or  bailiff  of  the 
community,  as  a  testimony  of  their  confidence 
and  esteem.*  The  maiden  name  of  the  Ammann' 's 
wife  was  Margaret  Meili.  Her  brother,  John 
Meili,  was  for  thirteen  years  abbot  of  the  cloister 
of  Fischingen,  in  Thurgau.  The  Ammann's 
brother,  Bartholomew,  was  also  an  ecclesiastic, 
being  dean  of  Wesen,  on  Lake  Walenstadt.f 
Two  sons  had  already  been  born  in  this  humble 
shepherd's  cot  when,  on  the  ist  of  January, 
1484,$  Margaret  gave  birth  to  a  third  son,  who 
was  christened  Ulrich  in  honor  of  his  father.  The 
family  circle  was  afterward  enlarged  by  the  addi- 
tion of  five  more  sons  and  two  daughters.§ 

The  child  Ulrich,  as  he  advanced  in  age  and 
grew  in  moral  understanding,  developed  traits 
of  unusual  promise.  He  manifested  a  sprightli- 
ness  of  disposition  and  a  quickness  of  intellect 
much  beyond  his  years,  and  doubtless  inspired 


the  place  to  warrant  the  inference  that  Zwingli'a  parents  were 
in  more  prosperous  circumstances  than  the  average  Swiss  peasant 
of  that  day.  But  if  there  was  little  in  the  interior  appointments 
of  Zwingli's  childhood  home  to  kindle  a  sense  of  pleasure,  that 
lack  was  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  glories  of  nature 
visible  from  the  doorstep.  The  view  of  the  valley  and  the  Chur- 
firsten  range  from  this  point  is  magnificent. 

*Os.  Myc.   Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  II. 

jBulljnger  Reformationsgesch.,   I.,  p.   6. 


$H.  J. 
§J.  C. 


Hott.,  H.  E.  T.,  VI.,  p.    193. 
Morikofer,  Ulrich  Zw.,  1.,  p.  5. 


PARENTAGE  AND   SCHOOL   LIFE         23 

in  the  hearts  of  his  fond  and  pious  parents  the 
hope  that  some  day  he  might  attain  to  a  posi- 
tion of  great  honor  and  usefulness  in  the  Church. 
His  childhood  days  were  spent  in  the  same  way 
and  amidst  the  same  mountain  scenes  as  those 
of  the  other  children  of  the  place.  With  them, 
in  summer,  he  climbed  the  mountains  to  the 
Schafboden,  or  high  pasture  lands,  to  visit  the 
herders.  He  joined  heartily  in  all  the  rollicking 
sports  in  which  the  children  of  the  Swiss  peas- 
antry so  freely  indulge.  His  eager  and  recep- 
tive child  spirit  drank  in  the  freedom  of  his  moun- 
tain life.  His  youthful  imagination  and  latent 
sense  of  the  beautiful  doubtless  received  at  this 
time  many  a  quickening  impulse  as  his  eyes 
feasted  on  the  sublime  glories  of  earth  and  sky. 
As  he  witnessed  the  mountain  sunrise  and  lis- 
tened to  the  rumbling  of  the  thunder  reverber- 
ated from  peak  to  peak  and  rolled  along  the  val- 
ley his  thoughts  must  have  been  lifted  to  the  con- 
templation of  Him  who  made  the  mountains  and 
commands  the  storm.  Speaking  of  these  early 
influences  his  friend  Myconius  naively  remarks, 
"In  my  simplicity  I  have  often  thought  that  from 
his  nearness  to  heaven  he  has  acquired  something 
heavenly  and  divine."  *  His  childhood,  like  that 


*0s.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw. 


24  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

of  the  son  of  Jesse,  was  spent  under  the  open 
sky  and  amidst  the  flocks.  Like  David  also  he 
learned  to  commune  with  nature's  God  and  to 
discern  his  fatherly  care  and  wisdom  in  all  his 
works.  In  later  years,  when  he  had  attained  the 
fullness  of  manhood,  he  composed  a  work  which 
echoes  with  those  lofty  thoughts  which  in  early 
life  must  have  occupied  his  reflective  soul :  "Not 
only  man,  but  the  whole  universe  has  its  being, 
and  lives  and  moves  in  God.  Nor  of  man  alone 
did  Paul  say,  'In  Him  we  live,  and  move,  and 
have  our  being ' ;  but  figuratively  of  all  creation. 
Man  is  not  alone  of  divine  origin,  but  every  crea- 
ture, although  some  belong  to  a  nobler  order  than 
others.  But  since  all  are  God's,  the  nobler  they 
are,  the  more  they  proclaim  His  power  and  glory. 
Do  not  the  smallest  animals,  the  marmots,  for  ex- 
ample, through  their  habits  and  instincts  declare 
the  wisdom  and  providence  of  God?  Do  not 
even  the  things  that  are  devoid  of  reason  and  feel- 
ing testify  that  the  power,  goodness,  the  quick- 
ening and  sustaining  energy  of  God  is  ever  pres- 
ent with  them?  The  earth,  for  example,  the 
mother  of  all,  unmindful  of  the  wounds  made  on 
her  by  the  tools  of  the  husbandman,  waits  not  to 
be  importuned  to  give  forth  her  rich  treasures. 
The  dew,  the  rain,  the  rivers  moisten  whatever 


PARENTAGE   AND   SCHOOL  LIFE         25 

has  sustained  injury  by  drought,  so  that  by  its 
marvelous  growth  it  testifies  to  the  presence  of 
the  divine  strength  and  life.  Even  the  moun- 
tains, those  senseless,  rugged,  inert  masses  which 
give  to  the  earth,  as  the  bones  to  the  flesh,  form 
and  solidity;  which  prevent,  or  at  least  render 
difficult,  passage  from  place  to  place;  which, 
though  heavier  than  the  earth,  yet  soar  above  it 
and  sink  not:  do  they  not  proclaim  the  imper- 
ishable might,  the  infinite  majesty  of  Jehovah  ?  "  * 

In  the  long  winter  evenings  the  vivid  imagina- 
tion of  the  growing  child  found  free  exercise 
in  the  conversations  of  the  home.  Around  that 
humble  fireside  were  doubtless  often  heard  the 
current  stories  of  Swiss  patriotism.  Young 
hearts  were  made  to  glow  with  indignation  by  the 
recital  of  the  cruel  tyrannies  of  the  infamous 
Gessler,  and  swell  with  pride  as  in  breathless  si- 
lence they  listened  to  the  stories  of  heroic 
deeds  which  freed  their  country  forever  from  the 
cruel  hand  of  the  Austrian.  Far  sweeter  to  their 
ears  than  any  fairy  tale  were  the  old  Swiss  le- 
gends, especially  the  story  of  the  three  men  of 
Riitli,  and  the  marvelous  deeds  of  the  immortal 
Tell. 

But  the  school  life  of  the  child  Ulrich  was  now 


*De  Providentia  Dei,  Op.  Zw.,  IV.,  p.  92. 


26  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

to  begin.  The  Ammann,  perceiving  that  in  his 
third  son  there  were  latent  powers,  which,  if 
properly  nurtured,  might  some  day  make  him 
a  distinguished  man,  resolved  to  fulfil  his  obliga- 
tions as  a  father  by  doing  all  in  his  power  for  the 
education  of  his  child.  He  accordingly  commit- 
ted the  boy  to  the  immediate  care  of  his  brother, 
the  dean  of  Wesen,*  who  in  turn  placed  him  in 
charge  of  the  parish  schoolmaster.  He  remained 
but  a  brief  time  under  the  care  of  his  first  teacher, 
for  his  brilliancy  as  a  pupil  soon  necessitated  his 
transfer  to  a  more  advanced  school.  He  had  now 
attained  the  age  of  ten.  Gregory  Buenzli,  a  man 
of  kind  heart,  sound  learning,  and  gentle  disposi- 
tion, was  master  of  the  parish  school  of  St.  Theo- 
dore at  Basel.  To  the  care  of  this  man  the  dean 
confided  his  precocious  nephew  for  further  in- 
struction. Here  from  the  very  first  he  made  rapid 
progress.  He  engaged  in  the  discussions  which 
were  then  in  vogue  even  in  the  lower  schools, 
and  the  numerous  victories  that  he  won  in  the  art 
of  debate  soon  called  down  upon  him  the  dis- 
pleasure and  jealousy  of  his  fellows.  Music  also 
engaged  his  attention  at  this  early  stage.  In  this, 
writes  his  friend  Myconius,  "he  excelled  beyond 


'Bartholomew  Zwingli  was  an  admirer  of  the  New   Learning 
and,  for  his  day,  a  man  of  considerable  intellectual  breadth. 


PARENTAGE  AND   SCHOOL   LIFE 


27 


his  years,  as  happens  in  the  case  of  those  who 
are  naturally  inclined  to  any  art."  * 

Although  to  his  master,  Buenzli,  his  inborn 
gayety  seemed  hardly  in  keeping  with  the  serious 
nature  of  his  studies,  yet  he  loved  the  boy  great- 
ly,f  and  advised  that  he  be  sent  to  a  school  better 
suited  to  his  needs.! 

Heinrich  Woelflin  (Lupulus),  a  man  of  excel- 
lent scholarship  and  poetic  temperament,  had  re- 
cently opened  in  Bern  a  school  for  teaching  the 
classics.  His  was  the  first  school  in  Switzerland 
organized  and  conducted  in  strict  accordance 
with  the  ideas  of  the  "New  Learning."  Lupulus 
became  the  next  teacher  of  the  brilliant  young 
Toggenburger.  "Here,"  says  Myconius,  "he 
was  admitted  into  the  sanctuary  of  the  classic 
writers,  and  acquired  elegance  of  speech  and  a 
knowledge  and  judgment  of  the  world.  He  mas- 
tered the  theory  of  poetry  also,  so  that  he  was 
able  to  write  poems  himself  and  to  cleverly  criti- 
cise those  written  by  others."§ 

Ulrich's  stay  in  Bern  of  less  than  two  years 
was  abruptly  terminated  in  consequence  of  an 
affair  which,  had  he  remained  longer,  might 


*Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  II. 

|The    attachment    of    master    and    pupil    for    each    other    is 
brought  to  light  in  the  letters  which  subsequently  passed  between 
them.     Vide  Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  pp.   in,  257  and  567. 
s.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  II. 


28  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

have  proved  disastrous  to  himself  and  to  the 
progress  of  evengelical  truth  in  Switzerland.  The 
Dominican  monks,  between  whom  and  the  Fran- 
ciscans there  was  bitter  quarreling  and  conten- 
tion, sought  every  means  whereby  to  humble 
their  rivals  and  exalt  themselves  in  the  eyes  of 
the  people.  They  were  soon  attracted  by  the 
sweet  singing  of  the  boy  Ulrich,  and  thinking  he 
would  make  a  valuable  acquisition  could  they  per- 
suade him  to  join  their  order,  they  immediately 
set  to  work  to  draw  him  into  their  convent,  offer- 
ing him  a  place  there  until  he  was  ready  to  pass 
his  novitiate.  Fortunately,  however,  these  do- 
ings reached  the  ears  of  the  dean  and  the  boy's 
father,  who,  fearing  the  influence  of  such  a  life 
on  the  tender  object  of  their  hopes,  ordered  him 
to  quit  Bern  at  once  and  repair  to  the  Univer- 
sity of  Vienna.*  The  youthful  Zwingli  lost  no 
time  in  obeying  the  orders  of  his  superiors. 

Arrived  in  Vienna,  he  took  up  the  study  of 
scholastic  philosophy,  in  order,  as  Myconius  says, 
to  increase  the  range  of  his  knowledge  and  add 
polish  to  his  previous  acquirements.f 

Closely  associated  with  him  at  Vienna  were 
two  young  men  from  his  native  canton  in  Swit- 
zerland— Joachim  von  Watt  (Vadian),  who  was 


*Bullinger  Reformationsgesch.,  I.,  p.  7. 
Wit  a  et  Obitu  Zw.,  II. 


PARENTAGE   AND    SCHOOL   LIFE         29 

the  son  of  a  wealthy  merchant  of  St.  Gallen,  and 
Henry  Loriti  (Glareanus),sonof  a  Mollis  peasant, 
whose  brow  later  in  life  Maximilian  I.  encircled 
with  the  poetic  wreath.*  When  he  had  com- 
pleted two  years  of  study  at  Vienna  he  returned 
to  his  home  in  Wildhaus.  But  having  once  tasted 
of  the  springs  of  learning  his  soul  could  not  rest 
content  amidst  the  seclusion  of  his  shepherd 
home  and  the  rural  scenes  that  were  the  joy  of 
his  childhood.  His  thirst  for  knowledge  was  not 
yet  satisfied.  In  1502  he  entered  the  University 
of  Basel.  After  another  visit  to  his  home  in 
Wildhaus,  his  friend  and  biographer  says, 
"  Lest  he  should  desist  too  long  from  the 
pursuit  of  letters,  he  sought  Basel  once  more, 
and  what  he  had  learned  hitherto  he  now  be- 
gan to  impart  to  others.  He  was  appointed 
teacher  of  the  classics  in  the  school  of  St. 
Martin,  not  without  great  profit  to  his  pupils. 
At  the  same  time  he  delved  more  deeply  into  phi- 
losophy, studying  the  problems  of  the  Sophists 
most  carefully,  for  no  other  reason  than  that  if 
he  found  they  ought  to  be  opposed  he  might  un- 
derstand his  enemy.  He  lightened  his  more  seri- 
ous tasks  by  indulging  in  wit  and  pleasantry,  for 
he  was  light-hearted  by  nature,  and  of  a  cheerful 

*Op.  Zw.,  VII. 


30  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

disposition."  *  Here  again  he  indulged  his  na- 
tive love  of  music.  He  could  play  skilfully  on  al- 
most any  instrument  that  came  to  his  hands.  His 
devotion  to  music  led  his  enemies  to  accuse  him 
of  frivolity,  a  charge  which  Myconius  indig- 
nantly refutes,  on  the  ground  that  he  practised 
music  only  as  a  mental  restorative  after  his  facul- 
ties had  been  exhausted  by  close  and  diligent 
study.f 

When  he  had  pursued  his  study  of  philosophy 
and  letters  for  a  sufficient  length  of  time  he  re- 
ceived his  master's  degree,  accepting  it  out  of 
deference  to  the  current  prejudice  which  re- 
garded those  learned  only  who  were  possessed  of 
splendid  titles,  rather  than  because  he  felt  there 
was  any  intrinsic  value  in  such  distinctions.^:  He 
now  directed  his  attention  to  the  so-called  scho- 
lastic theology,  and  although  he  was  unable  to 
conceal  the  weariness  and  disgust  that  it  inspired, 
nevertheless  he  conquered  his  feelings  suffi- 
ciently to  penetrate  its  depths  in  much  the  same 
manner  as  a  spy  would  invade  the  camp  of  an 
enemy.  As  a  source  of  positive  knowledge,  he 
came  to  regard  his  theological  studies  a  sheer 
waste  of  time.  "All  things  were  confused,  hu- 


*Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  III. 
bid. 
bid.,  IV. 


PARENTAGE   AND    SCHOOL   LIFE         31 

man  wisdom,  God,  senseless  phrases,  barbarisms, 
vainglories — everything,  in  fact.  Never  could  he 
here  hope  for  sound  doctrine/'*  Fortunately, 
there  appeared  an  oasis  in  the  midst  of  this 
dreary  expanse  of  barren  scholasticism.  In 
1505  f  Thomas  Wyttenbach,  of  Biel,  in  Switzer- 
land, who  had  studied  and  taught  at  Tubingen, 
came  to  Basel.  As  a  teacher  he  was  thoroughly 
conversant  with  the  classic  languages,  to  which 
was  added  a  profound  knowledge  of  Holy  Scrip- 
ture.:!: He  began  lecturing  on  the  "Sentences"  of 
Peter  Lombard.  His  manner  was  earnest  and 
attractive,  and  Zwingli  soon  enrolled  himself 
among  his  pupils.  Wyttenbach  was  an  adherent 
of  the  Church  of  Rome,  but  his  acquaintance  with 
Scripture  had  opened  his  eyes  to  many  glaring- 
abuses,  the  mass  and  indulgences  especially.  He 
boldly  attacked  these  errors  as  they  were  revealed 
to  his  mind.  To  Wyttenbach  Zwingli  ascribes 
the  credit  of  first  opening  his  eyes  to  the  abuses 
of  the  Church,§  and  of  setting  forth  Christ  as 
the  only  mediator  between  God  and  man,  in 
whose  atoning  sacrifice  is  the  only  hope  of  re- 
mission of  sins. ||  In  after  years  Wyttenbach  fol- 


*Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obttu  Zw.,  IV. 
tLeo  Jud  in  Pref.  at  Adnot,  Zw.,  N.  T. 
$H.  J.  Hott.,  H.  E.   T.,  VI.,  p.   194. 

§Leo  Jud   in  Pref.  at  Adnot,  Zw.,  N.  T.     Cf.  also  Op.  Zw.,  I., 
P-   254. 

||  Op.  Zw.,  III.,  p.  544. 


32  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

lowed  the  labors  of  Zwingli  with  sympathetic 
interest,  though  on  account  of  his  advanced  age 
he  took  no  part  in  the  religious  movements.  On 
the  I5th  of  June,  1523,  Zwingli,  who  was  then  at 
Zurich,  wrote  his  old  teacher  a  long  arid  friendly 
letter.* 

His  life  at  Basel  acquired  additional  signifi- 
cance from  the  fact  that  he  here  formed  a  friend- 
ship that  lasted  until  his  death,  and  from  which 
he  derived  great  encouragement  and  consolation 
during  his  darkest  hours.  Leo  Jud,  son  of  a 
priest  of  Alsace,  was  also  a  regular  attendant  on 
the  lectures  of  Thomas  Wyttenbach.  He  is  de- 
scribed as  a  youth  of  diminutive  stature,  weak 
and  sickly  in  appearance,  but  whose  eyes  bespoke 
a  soul  of  mingled  gentleness  and  intrepidity.  Leo 
also  embraced  the  views  of  Wyttenbach,  and  pos- 
sessed many  personal  qualities  which  brought 
him  into  close  sympathy  with  Zwingli.  He  was 
likewise  a  lover  of  music  and  possessed  a  fine 
voice.  Zwingli  and  Jud  were  much  in  company, 
and  after  long  hours  of  hard  study  their  room 
was  heard  to  resound  with  the  sweet  tones  of 
Leo's  voice,  while  Zwingli's  hand  played  the  ac- 
companiment. The  personalities  of  these  two 
friends  were  largely  supplemental  to  each  other 


*Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  297-300. 


PARENTAGE  AND  SCHOOL  LIFE         33 

and  their  friendship  in  many  respects  resembles 
that  of  Luther  and  Melanchthon. 

About  this  time  the  parish  of  Glarus,  near 
Zwingli's  home,  was  without  a  pastor,  and  the 
burghers  of  the  community,  who  had  heard  with 
pride  of  the  attainments  of  their  young  country- 
man, in  the  free  exercise  of  a  newly  acquired 
right,  elected  him  as  their  pastor.  Zwingli  ac- 
cepted, and,  after  having  been  ordained — proba- 
bly by  the  Bishop  of  Constance — hastened  to 
Glarus  to  assume  at  once  his  parochial  duties. 
On  his  way  thither  he  preached  his  first  sermon 
at  Rapperswyl,  and  performed  mass  for  the  first 
time  at  Wildhaus,  St.  Michael's  Day,  September 
29,  1506.*  The  pleasure  of  his  first  days  in  the 
pastorate  was  marred  by  an  experience  only  too 
commonly  met  with  at  that  time,  and  which  well 
serves  to  illustrate  the  disorder  which  then  pre- 
vailed in  the  Church.  No  sooner  had  the  va- 
cancy at  Glarus  occurred  than  Henry  Goldli,  of 
Zurich,  a  notorious  speculator  in  church  livings 
and  a  papal  favorite,  purchased  of  Pope  Julius  II. 
the  right  of  preferment  to  the  place.  When 
Goldli  appeared  at  Glarus  with  the  pontiff's  letter 
of  investiture  the  people  successfully  maintained 
their  right  of  independent  choice ;  but  before  he 


*Bullinger  Reformationsgesch.,  I.,  p.  7. 


34  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

retired  he  compelled  Zwingli  to  pay  more  than 
a  hundred  gulden  as  indemnity  for  the  relinquish- 
ment  of  his  claims.* 


*See  J.  C.  Mprikofer,  U.  Zw.,  I.,  p.  12.  In  Switzerland  at  this 
time  positions  in  the  Church  could  be  obtained  in  consideration 
of  an  agreement  to  pay  into  the  papal  treasury  a  certain  pro- 
portion of  the  revenues.  This  state  of  affairs  led  some  to  "  pur- 
chase "  livings  of  the  papal  court  merely  as  a  financial  specula- 
tion, hoping  to  dispose  of  their  titles  at  an  advance.  Public 
sentiment  did  not  condemn  the  practice.  Gpldli's  transactions, 
however,  were  so  extensive  that  charges  of  dishonesty  were  pre- 
ferred against  him  by  the  Federal  Diet. 


CHAPTER  III. 

ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  OF  GLARUS.      1506-1516. 

ZWINGLI  was  twenty-two  years  of  age  when 
he  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  first  pastorate  at 
Glarus.  His  parish  was  an  extensive  one,  em- 
bracing nearly  a  third  of  the  entire  canton.  He 
began  his  work  with  the  same  enthusiasm  he  had 
formerly  shown  in  the  prosecution  of  his  studies. 
His  faithfulness  and  zeal  as  a  pastor  were  in- 
defatigable, and  his  ministrations  as  a  preacher 
were  characterized  by  a  depth  and  earnestness 
unusual  in  a  priest  of  his  time.  He  entered  upon 
his  calling  with  a  deep  conviction  of  its  high  sanc- 
tity and  importance,  burdened  with  the  sense  of 
his  responsibility  and  general  unfitness  for  so 
great  and  holy  a  work.  "He  became  a  priest/' 
says  Myconius,  "and  devoted  himself  to  the  prin- 
cipal studies  of  divinity;  for  he  perceived  that 
one  ought  to  know  many  things  to  whom  had 
been  committed  the  office  of  teaching  the  flock 
of  Christ."  *  Acquaintance  with  God  appeared 
to  him  to  be  the  chief  requisite  of  the  priestly  of- 


*Os.  Myc.   Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  IV. 


36  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

fice.  To  obtain  this  he  now  took  up  the  study 
of  the  Bible.  He  searched  diligently  both  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments.  His  tireless  applica- 
tion to  the  Word  of  God  soon  gained  for  him  a 
reputation  as  one  profoundly  versed  in  Holy 
Scripture.  Far  from  entertaining  any  such  opin- 
ion of  himself,  Zwingli  counted  the  little  knowl- 
edge he  had  gained  as  altogether  vain  and  super- 
ficial without  a  knowledge  of  the  languages  in 
which  the  Bible  was  originally  written.  His 
Scripture  reading  up  to  this  time  had  been  con- 
fined to  the  Latin  versions.  He  now  began  with- 
out the  assistance  of  an  instructor  the  study  of 
Greek,  that  he  might  be  able  to  read  the  New 
Testament  in  the  original,  and  thus  obtain  from 
the  very  fountain  head  the  pure  doctrine  of  Christ. 
His  natural  aptitude  for  linguistic  study  enabled 
him  in  a  short  time  so  to  master  the  language  that 
he  read  with  ease  not  only  the  New  Testament, 
but  the  leading  Greek  authors  as  well,  in  whom 
he  took  great  delight.  He  strove  also  to  perfect 
himself  in  the  art  of  oratory  by  a  careful  study 
of  the  masters  of  antiquity.  He  read  Cicero  and 
committed  Valerius  Maximus  to  memory.  Much 
as  Zwingli  admired  the  genius  of  the  great  writ- 
ers of  antiquity  and  prized  them  as  models  of  ex- 
cellence, his  critical  turn  of  mind  saved  him  from 
the  error  ot  blind  worship  and  slavish  imitation. 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  OF  GLARUS 


37 


As  a  preacher  he  sought  out  by  experience  the 
most  effective  modes  of  expression,  and  valued 
the  classics  in  so  far  as  they  supplemented  the  re- 
sults of  his  own  study. 

Zwingli's  devotion  to  the  Word  soon  began 
to  bear  its  legitimate  fruit.  Treasures  hitherto 
unknown  were  revealed  to  him  not  only,  but,  as 
his  friend  Myconius  informs  us,  there  was  dis- 
closed to  him  at  this  time  a  new  method  of  inter- 
pretation which  completely  revolutionized  his 
ideas  of  Biblical  research.  "  After  he  had  learned 
from  Peter  that  Scripture  is  not  of  private  inter- 
pretation, he  raised  his  eyes  to  heaven  seeking  the 
Spirit  as  teacher,  praying  that  the  divine  mean- 
ing might  be  clearly  revealed  to  his  mind.  The 
obscure  passages  he  illumined  by  those  which 
were  clear,  that  as  he  read  the  Scriptures  every 
hearer  might  know  that  he  was  taught  of  the 
Spirit  instead  of  by  man."  * 

Many  have  accused  Zwingli  of  liberalism,  and 
of  a  desire  to  exalt  reason  above  the  Bible.  No 
charge  could  be  wider  of  the  truth.  Zwingli  was 
no  rationalist,  in  the  technical  sense  of  that 
term.  Holy  Scripture  illumined  by  the  Spirit 
of  God  was  to  him  the  absolute  authority.  Man 
was  not  permitted  to  accommodate  the  Word  to 


*Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  IV. 


38  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

his  own  prejudices  or  preconceptions.  While  he 
accepted  the  Word  of  God  as  the  only  absolute 
authority  in  matters  of  religion,  yet  he  did  not 
reject  as  worthless  the  explanations  of  the 
Fathers.  He  read  them  in  later  life  and  deemed 
them  especially  valuable  because  of  their  near- 
ness to  the  Gospel  period,  treating  their  state- 
ments, as  he  tells  us,  in  much  the  same  way  as  he 
would  the  statements  of  his  learned  friends. 
Holy  Scripture  was  to  his  mind  the  ultimate  test 
of  all  things.*  A  poem  of  Erasmus,  which 
Zwingli  chanced  to  read  about  this  time,  made 
a  deep  impression  on  his  mind.  In  this  poem 
Erasmus  represents  men  as  perishing  because 
they  will  not  seek  help  from  Christ  alone.  Zwing- 
li, writing  in  1523,  refers  to  it  thus:  "I  shall 
not  withhold  from  you,  dear  brethren  in  Christ 
Jesus,  how  it  was  I  arrived  at  the  firm  conviction 
that  we  need  no  other  mediator  than  Christ,  and 
that  none  but  Christ  alone  can  mediate  between 
God  and  man.  Eight  or  nine  years  ago  I  read 
a  poem  of  Erasmus,  of  Rotterdam,  on  the  Lord 
Jesus,  wherein  Jesus  complains  that  men  do  not 
seek  all  good  from  Him,  who  is  the  source  of  all 
good,  the  Savior,  Refuge,  and  Treasure  of  the 


*Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  VI.  De  orthodoxis  scriptoribus 
sensit,  quod  ipsi  de  se  ipsis,  legendos  esse  cum  judicio  et  scriptura 
canonica  cur  Lydio  lapide  probandos. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR    OF    GLARUS      39 

soul.  Whereupon  I  reflected,  'If  that  is  so,  why 
then  do  we  seek  help  from  any  creature?'  "* 

Zwingli  now  felt  it  his  duty  to  preach  against 
the  sins  of  the  community.  "He  began/'  says 
Myconius,  "to  denounce  certain  base  practices, 
especially  the  taking  of  pensions  from  princes 
and  the  mercenary  wars;  for  he  saw  that  the 
doctrine  of  divine  truth  could  find  no  place  until 
these  sources  of  iniquity  were  drained."f  My- 
conius further  informs  us  that  Zwingli  incurred 
about  this  time  suspicion  of  heresy  because  of 
his  open  approval  of  certain  tenets  championed 
at  Rome  by  Pico  della  Mirandola.J 

The  Italian  wars,  in  which  the  Swiss  cantons 
became  involved,  offered  repeated  interruptions 
to  Zwingli's  studies  and  pastoral  duties  while  at 
Glarus.  The  success  of  the  Swiss  in  their  wars 
for  political  independence,  and  the  splendor  of 
their  military  achievements  in  previous  years,  had 
called  forth  the  admiration  of  the  great  nations 
of  Europe.  Appreciating  the  fearless  courage 
of  these  rude  mountaineers,  and  desiring  to  turn 
it  to  their  own  advantage,  the  neighboring  nations 
became  as  tireless  in  their  efforts  as  they  were 


*Op.  Zw.,  I.,  p.  298. 

tOs.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  IV.;  Bull.  Reformationsgesch., 
I.,  p.  7. 

$Giovanni  Pico,  b.  in  Mirandola  in  1463;  d.  in  Florence  in 
1494.  Zwingli  first  became  acquainted  with  Pico's  writings  at 
Basel.  The  reirnant  of  Zwingli's  library,  now  in  the  Zwingli 
Museum  at  Zurich,  contains  a  number  of  works  written  by  Pico, 


40  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

unscrupulous  in  their  measures  to  contract 
friendly  alliances  with  the  little  republic.  They 
established  embassies  in  the  chief  cities  of  Swit- 
zerland, and  their  wily  agents  by  gold  and  flattery 
soon  committed  this  simple-hearted  people  to  a 
policy  that  well  nigh  led  to  their  destruction. 

The  bone  of  contention  at  this  time  between 
Austria  and  the  Pope  on  the  one  hand,  and 
France  on  the  other,  was  the  Duchy  of  Milan. 
Louis  XII.  from  the  time  of  his  accession  to  the 
throne  of  France  began  to  enforce  his  claims 
upon  this  duchy,  then  in  possession  of  Lodovico 
Sforza,  surnamed  the  Moor,  who  ruled  by  a  usur- 
pation alike  odious  to  the  Milanese  and  the  King 
of  France.  Louis'  army  in  a  short  time  gained 
possession,  but  the  duke,  far  from  considering 
himself  defeated,  succeeded  in  raising  an  army 
of  volunteers  in  Switzerland,  although  the  can- 
tons were  at  this  time  bound  by  treaty  to  the 
French  king.  With  the  aid  of  these  and  a  small 
Austrian  contingent  the  duke  was  soon  once 
more  in  full  possession  of  his  former  powers. 
Once  more  the  army  of  Louis  invaded  Milan. 
The  duke  was  forced  to  take  refuge  in  Novara, 
where  he  was  besieged,  and  being  forced  to  sur- 
render at  discretion,  he  was  taken  prisoner  and 
carried  to  France,  where  he  died  ten  years  later. 
Pope  Julius  II.,  alarmed  at  the  growing  ascend- 


(fl 


o 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  OF  GLARUS   41 

ency  of  the  French,  led  in  the  violation  of  the 
league  of  Cambray,  and  succeeded  in  uniting 
Maximilian  I.  in  a  coalition  whose  purpose  it  was 
to  rob  Louis  XII.  of  his  Italian  possessions  and 
place  Maximilian  Sforza,  Lodovico's  son,  in  the 
ducal  chair  of  his  father.  The  assistance  of  the 
Swiss  cantons  seemed  necessary  to  insure  the 
success  of  this  project.  It  so  happened  that  the 
relations  existing  between  France  and  Switzer- 
land were  at  this  time  somewhat  strained,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  dispute  over  the  town  of  Bellinzona, 
which  both  claimed ;  and  when  at  the  expiration 
of  the  treaty  it  was  proposed  to  renew  it,  the 
French  king  stubbornly  refused.  Matthew 
Schinner,  papal  legate  of  Switzerland,  and  who 
from  this  time  played  a  most  important  role  in 
Swiss  politics,  was  a  man  who  had  risen  rapidly 
from  the  humble  position  of  parish  priest  to  the 
bishopric  of  Sion.*  He  was  a  man  of  boundless 
personal  ambition,  and  thoroughly  wedded  to  the 
policy  of  Pope  Julius  II.  The  Bishop  of  Sion 
shrewdly  seized  upon  the  defection  existing  be- 
tween Switzerland  and  France  to  unite  the  Swiss 
in  a  new  coalition  against  Louis  XII.  for  the  res- 
toration of  the  Duchy  of  Milan  to  the  son  of 
Lodovico.  In  this  he  was  successful.  The  Swiss 


*Made  Bishop  of  Sion,  or  Sitten,  in  1509;  Cardinal,  1511. 


42  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Diet  in  response  to  his  plea  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  Emperor  and  the  Pope.  Schinner  received 
the  cardinal's  hat  as  a  reward  for  his  services. 

For  some  time  the  newly  appointed  cardinal 
had  secretly  pursued  the  policy  of  gaining  over 
to  the  Pope  by  the  bestowment  of  favors  every 
person  of  influence  in  Switzerland.  In  the  case  of 
the  clergy  these  favors  usually  took  the  form  of 
promotion  in  the  Church,  or  of  an  annual  pension. 
Schinner  quickly  discerned  the  merits  of  the  pop- 
ular young  priest  of  Glarus,  and  Zwingli  soon 
learned  that  the  Pope  had  assigned  him  a  pension 
of  fifty  florins  to  aid  him  in  the  furtherance  of 
his  studies.  Zwingli  at  this  time  was  a  firm  be- 
liever in  the  papacy,  and  had  no  scruples  about 
receiving  the  Pope's  benefice,  which,  so  long  as 
he  drew  it,  he  conscientiously  devoted  to  the  pur- 
chase of  classical  and  theological  books.  But 
neither  the  friendship  of  the  Cardinal  of  Sion  nor 
the  pension  of  the  Pope  could  blind  his  eyes  to 
the  dreadful  effects  of  these  foreign  campaigns 
upon  the  moral  life  of  the  Swiss  people.  The  sol- 
diers who  had  formerly  gone  forth  at  the  solicita- 
tion of  the  Pope's  legate  had  come  back  shat- 
tered in  body  and  soul.  Many  of  the  strong  men 
whom  the  nation  could  not  spare  had  perished 
on  the  field  of  battle.  Those  that  returned 
brought  back  not  only  maimed  and  bleeding 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  OF  GLARUS 


43 


bodies,  but  souls  imbued  with  the  darkest  vices. 
The  farms  and  flocks  were  neglected.  The  cry 
of  the  widow  and  the  orphan  began  to  be  heard 
on  every  side.  All  this  struck  deeply  into  the 
soul  of  Zwingli.  In  vain  was  his  voice  repeatedly 
heard,  now  warning,  now  pleading  with  his  con- 
gregation to  renounce  the  offers  of  the  crafty  for- 
eigners which  were  luring  them  to  destruction. 
In  1510  appeared  his  poem  entitled  "The  Laby- 
rinth/' an  allegory  on  the  perils  of  the  state,  in 
which  he  adopts  the  symbolism  of  the  familiar 
Greek  myth  of  Theseus  and  the  Minotaur.  In 
this  composition,  which  contains  514  verses,*  the 
Minotaur  represents  the  evils  of  the  foreign  serv- 
ice of  his  countrymen,  which  devour  the  nation. 
The  hero,  Theseus,  sets  out  to  deliver  his  coun- 
try. He  encounters  various  obstacles  in  the  form 
of  savage  beasts,  but  slays  them  all  and  effects 
his  country's  deliverance.  Somewhat  later  he  pub- 
lished a  second  allegory  directed  against  the  for- 
eign service,  "The  Ox  and  the  Other  Beasts,"  f 
resembling  "  The  Labyrinth  "  in  its  general  style, 
but  much  shorter.  Zwingli  from  this  time  doubt- 
less felt  himself  especially  called  to  rescue  his 
country  from  its  great  peril.  His  faithful  warn- 


*Op.  Zw.,  II.,  part  2d,  p.  245. 

Wbid.,  p.  257.  These  so-called  poems  circulated  from  hand  to 
hand  in  manuscript  and  were  not  published  until  after  Zwingli's 
death. 


44  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

ings  were  unheeded.  Cardinal  Schinner  obtained 
permission  to  levy  troops  in  Switzerland  for  the 
assistance  of  the  Pope.  The  parish  of  Glarus  re- 
sponded to  the  call  of  the  Cardinal  as  generously 
as  any  part  of  the  Confederacy.  Zwingli  himself 
was  detailed  to  accompany  the  troops  as  field- 
preacher.  In  1512  the  Swiss  army,  headed  by  the 
Cardinal  of  Sion,  passed  through  the  mountains 
of  the  Tyrol  and  joined  the  forces  of  the  Vene- 
tians, which  were  waiting  under  the  walls  of 
Verona.  The  advance  of  the  combined  armies 
easily  overcame  every  resistance.  The  Duchy  of 
Milan  was  soon  cleared  of  the  French,  except  the 
castles  of  Novara  and  Milan.  Sensible  of  the 
important  services  rendered  him  by  the  Swiss, 
the  Pope  conferred  upon  them  the  title  of  "  De- 
fenders of  the  Church."  Maximilian  Sforza  was 
installed  as  Duke  of  Milan,  and  Switzerland  guar- 
anteed to  him  the  possession  of  his  duchy.  Al- 
though driven  out  of  Milan,  the  French  were 
by  no  means  overcome.  They  returned  the  next 
year  with  powerful  reinforcements  to  renew  the 
contest.  Many  of  the  Milanese  deserted  Sforza 
and  joined  the  standard  of  Louis.  Thus  weak- 
ened, the  Swiss  garrison,  which  had  been  left  to 
protect  the  duke,  was  forced  to  fall  back  to  No- 
vara, there  to  await  reinforcements  from  Switzer- 
land. On  the  arrival  of  fresh  troops  the  battle 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  OF  GLARUS 


45 


of  Novara  was  fought,  which  resulted  in  a  com- 
plete victory  for  the  Swiss,  but  a  victory  pur- 
chased at  so  great  a  cost  that  lamentations  and 
reproaches  were  more  numerous  than  shouts  of 
rejoicing.  Zwingli  was  doubtless  present  at  this 
battle  in  his  capacity  as  field-preacher. 

When  Francis  I.  came  to  the  throne  in  1515, 
one  of  his  first  acts  was  to  move  upon  Milan. 
Sforza  looked  to  the  Swiss  to  make  good  their 
guarantee  of  protection.  The  ambassador  of  the 
Emperor  and  Leo  X.,  successor  of  Julius  II., 
through  his  legate,  the  Cardinal  of  Sion,  urged 
the  Swiss  to  fulfil  their  promises.  Accordingly, 
the  cantons  sent  a  large  army  to  resist  Francis, 
who  was  advancing  on  Milan.  The  Swiss  troops 
this  time,  instead  of  courageously  meeting  the  foe, 
retreated  upon  Turin,  a  course  of  action  which 
some  laid  at  the  door  of  the  chiefs,  whom  they 
charged  with  being  in  secret  communication  with 
Francis.  Francis  followed  up  the  retreating 
Swiss,  at  the  same  time  carefully  avoiding  an 
open  attack.  He  presently  began  negotiations 
with  certain  Swiss  chiefs,  and  succeeded  in  ef- 
fecting with  them  an  agreement  not  to  oppose 
with  their  forces  the  occupation  of  Milan  by  the 
French.  The  king  on  his  part  agreed  to  grant  a 
certain  indemnification  to  the  Duke  of  Milan. 
This  agreement,  highly  dishonorable  to  the  Swiss 


46  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

chiefs,  and  by  no  means  creditable  to  the  French 
king,  was  reported  to  the  troops  of  the  cantons 
in  such  skilful  terms  that  the  majority  imme- 
diately accepted  it  without  waiting  for  the  action 
of  the  Swiss  Diet,  regarded  the  campaign  ended, 
and  set  out  for  home.  Four  cantons,  however,  of 
which  Glarus  was  one,  refused  to  assent  to  the 
agreement  until  it  was  first  ratified  by  the  Diet. 
Reduced  by  these  desertions,  the  Swiss  army,  no 
longer  able  to  meet  the  French  in  the  open  field, 
retreated  to  Monza,  near  Milan.  Here  Zwingli 
delivered  an  address  to  the  soldiers.  He  praised 
their  bravery,  commended  their  action  in  refus- 
ing to  leave  the  field  until  ordered  to  do  so  by  the 
government,  urged  them  to  exercise  the  utmost 
prudence  in  dealing  with  the  enemy,  and  to  await 
orders  from  home.  Such  advice  proved  galling 
to  a  soldiery  hitherto  ignorant  of  defeat.  Other 
counsels  prevailed.  Schinner,  whose  only  hope 
for  the  cause  of  the  Pope  seemed  to  rest  in  the 
very  doubtful  issues  of  an  engagement,  endeav- 
ored to  precipitate  an  open  conflict.  In  this  he 
finally  succeeded,  and  the  battle  of  Marignano 
was  the  result,  in  which,  although  the  Swiss 
showed  great  bravery,  they  were  overpowered  by 
numbers,  and  their  little  army  virtually  anni- 
hilated. 

The  defeat  of  Marignano  was  a  severe  blow 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  OF  GLARUS   47 

to  the  Swiss  Republic.  On  that  day  many  of 
the  noblest  sons  of  the  nation  perished.  Yet  the 
catastrophe,  dire  as  it  was,  carried  with  it  valu- 
able lessons.  It  opened  the  eyes  of  the  better 
class  of  citizens  to  the  perils  against  which  Zwing- 
li  and  others  for  years  had  vainly  warned  them. 
They  began  to  see  the  folly  of  the  foreign  alli- 
ances, and  to  penetrate  the  selfishness  of  their 
instigators. 

These  foreign  wars  served  to  call  forth  the 
ardent  patriotism  of  Zwingli.  They  are  impor- 
tant also  because  of  the  part  which  they  played 
in  his  development  as  a  reformer.  His  going  to 
Italy,  and  his  removal  a  few  years  later  to  Einsie- 
deln,  may  well  be  compared  in  their  effect  to 
Luther's  visit  to  Rome.  At  this  time  the  scales 
dropped  from  his  eyes  with  reference  to  many 
Roman  errors.  While  at  Milan,  he  compared  the 
Ambrosian  ritual  in  use  there  with  the  Roman 
ritual,  and  noted  the  differences.  His  discovery 
seemed  to  place  Rome  in  this  dilemma:  either 
Ambrose  changed  the  Roman  ritual  without  cen- 
sure by  the  Church,  or  the  Roman  ritual  as  in 
use  had  been  prepared  since  the  time  of  Am- 
brose.* Somewhat  later  he  made  another  im- 
portant discovery.  It  happened  on  the  occasion 


*Op.  Zw.,  III.,  87  sq.t  p.  92. 


48  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

of  a  visit  to  his  friend  Adam,  the  priest  of  Mollis. 
While  he  and  several  others  were  being  enter- 
tained there,  in  looking  over  some  old  books,  a 
liturgy  was  found  in  which  were  these  words : 
"  Let  the  child  partake  of  the  Eucharist,  and 
likewise  of  the  cup,  after  it  is  baptized."  *  Thus 
it  appeared  that  two  hundred  years  before, 
when  this  liturgy  was  prepared,  the  Sacrament 
had  been  administered  under  both  kinds. 
These  discoveries  served  to  develop  in  Zwingli 
a  critical  attitude  toward  Rome.  In  addition 
to  this  he  was  an  unwilling  witness  of  all 
the  bloody  horrors  of  the  foreign  campaigns. 
He  saw  his  brethren,  the  Swiss,  many  of 
his  congregation  doubtless,  marched  beyond  the 
Alps  and  there  slaughtered  to  further  the  am- 
bitious schemes  of  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope. 
He  witnessed  the  subversion  of  every  noble  im- 
pulse which  he  had  labored  to  implant  within  the 
people,  and  the  seeds  of  moral  disease  sown 
broadcast.  By  these  experiences  the  need  of 
reform  in  Church  and  State  was  burned  into  his 
soul  as  with  a  hot  iron.  Can  we  doubt  that  from 
this  time  forth  he  labored  with  a  new  earnestness, 
and  preached  with  an  unction  born  of  the  inten- 
sity of  his  convictions?  And  yet,  with  all  his 


*Op.  Zw.,  I.,  p.  246. 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  OF  GLARUS   49 

earnestness,  Zwingli's  methods  at  this  time  dif- 
fered radically  from  those  of  Luther.  Luther 
from  the  beginning  attacked  the  abuses  of  the 
Church.  Zwingli,  though  cognizant  of  many 
evils,  was  silent  respecting  them,  contenting  him- 
self with  the  proclamation  of  the  plain  and  cen- 
tral truths  of  the  Bible.  "  He  desired,"  says  My- 
conius,  "  to  implant  the  truth  in  the  hearts  of  his 
hearers,  believing  that  as  soon  as  the  truth  was 
comprehended  falsehood  would  be  easily  recog- 
nized."* 

As  to  Zwingli's  views  at  this  time  respecting 
the  authority  of  the  Word  of  God,  the  following 
excerpt  from  the  Archeteles  doubtless  affords  the 
best  knowledge  that  can  be  had.  After  speaking 
of  the  futility  of  all  efforts  to  find  the  way  of  sal- 
vation through  a  study  of  philosophy  and  the 
opinions  of  wise  and  good  men,  he  continues: 
"Whom  then  am  I  to  follow?  Unless  one  be  a 
fool  he  will  reply,  Those  who  have  been  enlight- 
ened by  the  Spirit  of  God ;  for  whatever  comes 
of  human  wisdom,  however  beautiful  it  seems, 
may  deceive ;  divine  truth,  never.  Here  is  the 
true  faith  needed.  Where  this  is  wanting  man 
falls,  withers,  perishes/  While  I  was  reflecting 
on  this  uncertainty  and  praying  that  God  would 


*Os.  Myc.   Vita  et  Olitu  Zw.,  IV. 


So  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

show  me  the  way  out,  He  said,  'Foolish  one,  re- 
member this,  the  word  of  the  Lord  abideth  for- 
ever. Cling  to  His  truth/  Again,  '  Heaven  and 
earth  shall  pass  away,  but  my  word  shall  not  pass 
away.  What  is  human  perishes ;  the  divine  is 
immutable/  And,  'In  vain  they  honor  me,  teach- 
ing the  doctrines  and  commandments  of  men/ 
As  if  God  ought  to  conform  His  truth  to  our  no- 
tions, and  as  if  what  appears  to  us  at  first  sight 
beautiful,  true,  and  holy,  should  please  Him  too, 
and  as  if  we  ought  not  much  more  to  rely  upon 
Him  with  our  whole  hearts  and  not  cleave  to  our 
own  opinions.  Therefore,  putting  all  things 
aside,  I  came  to  rely  on  no  single  thing, 
on  no  single  word,  save  that  whi'ch  came 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Lord.  And  when  I  saw 
poor  mortals  forgetting  themselves  so  far  as  to 
give  out  their  own  opinions  as  God's,  there  came 
to  me  this  passage :  '  All  is  clear  in  the  light,  in 
that  light,  namely,  which  lighteth  every  man  that 
cometh  into  the  world/  Again,  '  Believe  not 
every  spirit,  but  try  the  spirits,  whether  they  be 
of  God/  As  I  sought  for  the  touchstone  of  truth, 
I  discovered  no  other  than  that  stone  which  is 
a  stone  of  stumbling  and  rock  of  offense  to  all 
who,  after  the  manner  of  the  Pharisees,  place 
their  traditions  before  the  commandments  of  God. 
I  now  began  to  subject  every  doctrine  to  this 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR    OF    GLARUS      5I 

test,  and  every  doctrine  that  would  bear  the 
brightness  of  this  stone  I  accepted,  and  rejected 
all  that  would  not  bear  it.  If  on  any  occasion 
anything  out  of  harmony  with  the  Divine  Word 
or  contrary  to  it  were  pressed  upon  me,  I  an- 
swered with  the  Apostle,  '  We  ought  to  obey  God 
rather  than  men.'  Consequently  it  came  about 
that  those  who  thought  highly  of  themselves,  but 
lightly  of  Christ,  had  a  very  poor  opinion  of  me. 
But  as  this  was  the  surest  evidence  that  I  was 
pleasing  to  God,  I  welcomed  their  reproach."  * 

Zwingli's  transition  from  Roman  Catholicism 
to  Protestantism  differed  greatly  from  that  of  his 
great  German  contemporary.  Luther  came  to 
his  position  suddenly,  as  the  result  of  an  intense 
personal  experience,  which  burned  itself  into  his 
very  soul,  profoundly  affecting  all  his  doctrinal 
conceptions  and  leaving  a  strong  impress  on  all 
his  work  as  a  reformer.  Zwingli  was  a  child  of 
the  schools.  His  advent  as  a  reformer  of  the 
Church  was  the  natural  and  logical  result  of  the 
expansive  and  liberalizing  tendencies  of  the  hu- 
manistic learning  on  a  mind  earnestly  bent  upon 
truth.  Unlike  Luther,  Zwingli's  discoveries  pro- 
duced no  shock,  no  radical  change  in  his  mode  of 
life.  His  course  was  progressive,  and  it  was  not 


*Op.  Zw.,  III.,  p.  30. 


52  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

until  he  took  up  his  residence  at  Zurich  that  he 
was  fully  converted  to  the  Gospel,  and  espoused 
with  his  whole  heart  the  cause  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. 

While  at  Glarus,  Zwingli's  taste  for  classic 
learning  communicated  itself  to  the  young  men 
of  the  parish.  He  established  a  Latin  school,  in 
which  he  personally  superintended  the  education 
of  a  number  of  youths  from  the  best  families  in 
Switzerland.  Three  young  men  of  the  family  of 
the  Tschudi — Peter,  yEgidius,  and  Valentine — 
received  from  him  their  preparation  for  the  uni- 
versity. A  perusal  of  their  letters  will  reveal  the 
unfailing  affection  and  warm  admiration  which 
they  entertained  toward  their  teacher  in  after  life.* 

Through  his  friend  Glareanus,  master  of  the 
school  at  Basel,  Zwingli  was  introduced  to  Eras- 
mus, of  Rotterdam,f  the  renowned  scholar  and 
humanist.  Zwingli  had  previously  read  many  of 
his  works,  and  was  an  ardent  admirer  of  his 
genius  and  scholarship.  He  longed  to  see  the 
man  who  was  creating  such  a  stir  in  the  world  of 
letters.  Erasmus  had  recently  taken  up  his  abode 
in  Basel,  where  there  gathered  about  him  a  little 
coterie  of  learned  and  admiring  friends.  Glare- 
anus  was  among  the  number.  In  the  spring  of 


*Op.  Zw.,  VII. 

fMorikot'er,   Ulrich  Zwingli,  I.,  p.   23. 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  OF  GLARUS   53 

1515  Zwingli  made  a  trip  to  Basel  to  see  the  man 
about  whom  he  had  heard  and  read  so  much. 
Erasmus  received  him  with  great  favor  and  kind- 
liness, and  with  that  unfailing  urbanity  of  man- 
ner so  characteristic  of  this  prince  of  the  schools. 
In  a  letter  to  Zwingli,  addressed  from  Basel 
some  time  during  the  year  1514,  he  says  that  the 
Swiss  are  to  be  congratulated  on  their  good  for- 
tune in  possessing  one  who  is  earnestly  striving 
to  polish  and  ennoble  them  by  his  studies  and 
life.*  Zwingli's  relation  to  Erasmus  doubtless 
served  to  enhance  his  high  estimate  of  the 
classics  and  to  confirm  him  in  his  purposes  of  re- 
form. 

Among  the  circle  of  Erasmus'  friends  at  Basel 
Zwingli  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  young  man 
who  afterward  became  his  close  personal  friend, 
biographer,  and  fellow-laborer  in  the  work  at 
Zurich.  His  name  was  Oswald  Geisshiissler 
(Myconius),  at  that  time  teacher  of  a  school  in 
Lucerne. 

Zwingli  returned  to  Glarus  a  more  ardent  ad- 
mirer than  ever  of  Erasmus.  In  the  one  letter 
of  Zwingli  to  Erasmus  which  is  preserved  to  us 
he  is  most  extravagant  in  his  praises.  There 
are  six  letters  of  Erasmus  to  Zwingli,  in  which 


*Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.   10. 


54  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Erasmus  falls  little  short  of  him  in  the  profusion 
of  his  compliments.*  Later,  as  Zwingli  came  out 
more  emphatically  on  the  side  of  reform,  and  as- 
serted himself  with  boldness,  Erasmus'  friend- 
ship for  him  suffered  decline,  until  at  last  they 
were  quite  estranged.  Glareanus,  his  early 
friend,  also  drew  away  from  him,  preferring  to 
remain  with  Rome. 

After  the  defeat  at  Marignano  the  French  king 
put  forth  the  utmost  exertion  to  win  over  to  his 
side  the  Swiss  confederates,  part  of  whom  had 
so  bravely  but  vainly  opposed  him  in  the  con- 
quest of  Milan.  To  accomplish  his  purpose  he 
resorted  to  the  arts  commonly  employed  by  the 
sovereigns  of  his  time — bribes  and  flattery.  In 
vain  did  the  patriotic  Zwingli  raise  his  voice  in 
scathing  philippics  against  the  secret  practices 
of  the  French  which  were  breeding  dissension  and 
disloyalty  on  every  hand  and  undermining  the 
very  substructure  of  the  national  life.  His  fear- 
less attitude  and  unsparing  denunciation  of  the 
French  policy  drew  down  upon  him  the  hatred 
of  the  French,  and  of  those  of  his  own  people 
who  loved  the  gold  of  the  foreigner  more  than 
country  or  personal  honor.  The  French  party 
being  in  the  ascendency,  opposition  became  so 


"'Vide  Op.  Zw.,  VII. 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  OF  GLARUS   55 

strong  that  a  longer  stay  at  Glarus  seemed  to  him 
intolerable. 

Theobold  von  Hohengeroldseck,  administrator 
of  the  Abbey  of  Einsiedeln,  in  the  canton  of 
Schwyz,  a  man  whom  Myconius  characterizes  as 
a  friend  of  piety  and  learning,*  aware  of  the  con- 
dition of  things  at  Glarus,  and  prizing  highly  the 
nobility  and  scholarship  of  the  young  pastor  of 
the  place,  invited  him  to  join  the  Abbey  as  priest 
and  preacher.f  Zwingli  accepted,  and  began  his 
labors  at  Einsiedeln  in  1516.  His  congregation 
at  Glarus  were  filled  with  grief  at  the  news  of  his 
intention  to  leave  them.  "What  sadder  thing 
could  befall  us  at  Glarus  than  to  be  bereft  of  so 
great  a  man,"J  wrote  Peter  Tschudi  in  a  letter 
dated  in  October  of  that  year.  Perceiving  that 
he  was  fully  determined  to  leave,  his  parishioners 
resolved  to  retain  him  as  their  nominal  pastor, 
allowing  him  to  keep  part  of  the  salary  with  the 
privilege  of  returning  at  any  time.§  Zwingli,  on 
his  part,  was  deeply  attached  to  the  people  of  his 
first  parish.  "  I  made  this  change  not  out  of  any 
desire  or  ambition  of  my  own,  but  because  of  the 
intrigues  of  the  French,"  wrote  he  to  his  friend 


*Os.  Myc.   Vita  ei  Obitu  Zw.,  V. 

tBullinger  Reformationsgesch.,  I.,  pp.  8-10.    J.  H.  Hott,  H,  E. 
T.,  p.   196;  J.  C.  Morikofer,    U.  Zw.,  I.,  p.  30. 
*0p.  Zw.  VII.,  p.   13. 


iOp.  Zw.  VII.,  p.   13. 

',  p.   30. 


5 6  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Vadian  in  1517.*  Nevertheless  this  transfer  was 
not  wholly  out  of  harmony  with  Zwingli's  aspira- 
tions. He  was  a  zealous  student,  as  we  have  al- 
ready seen,  but  the  pastoral  duties  of  his  large 
parish  at  Glarus  left  him  little  time  for  quiet 
study.  He  longed  for  more  leisure.  Of  this  leis- 
ure, so  necessary  to  a  scholar,  his  new  post  would 
furnish  an  abundance.  Another  matter  which  in- 
fluenced him  in  deciding  for  Einsiedeln  was  the 
thought  that  here  he  would  have  an  opportunity  to 
preach  to  the  great  throngs  of  pilgrims  which  an- 
nually visited  this  famous  Abbey,  and  thus  be  able 
to  give  a  wide  currency  to  the  Gospel. 

God  had  a  purpose  in  drawing  aside  for  a  time 
the  man  who  was  to  become  the  champion  of  the 
Swiss  Reformation.  Zwingli's  training  for  his  life 
work  was  not  yet  complete.  The  obscurity  of 
the  Wartburg  was  necessary  to  ripen  Luther's 
powers  and  qualify  him  for  the  great  achievement 
of  his  life.  The  solitude  of  the  forest  hermitage, 
with  its  library  and  little  coterie  of  pious  and 
scholarly  companions,  was  the  very  thing  needed 
to  induce  that  settling  process  in  the  character  of 
Zwingli  without  which  his  subsequent  efforts  as  a 
reformer  must  have  proved  comparatively  weak. 

We  are  now  prepared  to  witness  his  rapid  prog- 
ress in  his  new  field. 

*Ibid.,  p.  24. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

ZWINGLI    AT     EINSIEDELN. — 1516-1518. 

THE  Abbey  of  Einsiedeln,*  to  which  Zwingli 
was  now  called,  has  an  interesting  history.  Mein- 
rad,  of  Hohenzollern,f  a  German  monk,  finding 
the  society  of  men  hostile  to  the  realization  of  his 
ideal  of  a  pious  life,  had  gone  into  the  wilderness 
to  the  south  of  Lake  Walenstadt,  and  there,  on  a 
little  hill  in  the  midst  of  the  gloomy  forest,  had 
erected  his  solitary  cell.  Here  he  was  one  day 
discovered  by  a  party  of  marauders,  who,  sup- 
posing his  hut  to  contain  rich  treasure  in  the  way 
of  precious  relics,  slew  him  and  rifled  his  dwell- 
ing. Tradition  reports  the  speedy  apprehension 
of  the  murderers  at  Zurich,  whither  they  had  fled, 
through  the  miraculous  assistance  of  birds  which 
followed  them  thither.  The  place  remained  de- 
serted for  more  than  a  hundred  years,  when 
toward  the  close  of  the  tenth  century  a  convent 
and  church  were  established  on  the  spot,  and  in 
honor  of  the  martyred  anchorite  and  the  Virgin 


*The  name  comes  from  Einsiedler,  a  hermit. 

tFor  the  most  complete  and  authentic  account  of  Meinrad  and 
the  founding  of  the  Abbey  of  Einsiedeln  see  Ringholz,  Wall- 
fahrtgeschichte  unserer  lieben  Frau  v.  Einsiedeln,  Freiburg,  1896. 


58  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Mother,  named  Maria-Einsiedeln  (Our  Lady  of 
the  Hermits).  Tradition  has  it  that  on  the  eve 
of  the  day  of  consecration,  as  the  Bishop  of  Con- 
stance was  praying  in  the  church,  his  devotions 
were  arrested  by  strains  of  heavenly  music  issu- 
ing from  an  unseen  source,  and  filling  the  chapel 
with  sweet  melody.  On  the  morrow,  as  the 
Bishop  was  about  to  begin  the  service  of  conse- 
cration, he  was  prevented  by  a  voice  which  thrice 
commanded  him  to  stop,  informing  him  that  God 
himself  had  already  consecrated  the  place.  The 
tradition  further  alleges  that  Christ  in  person  had 
consecrated  the  church  during  the  night,  and 
that  the  music  which  was  heard  was  nothing  less 
than  a  chorus  of  angels,  apostles,  and  saints. 
Pope  Leo  VIII.  decreed  by  a  bull  *  that  this 
legend  must  not  be  doubted,  a  caution  which  the 
credulity  of  the  people  rendered  quite  unneces- 
sary. In  memory  of  this  miraculous  event,  a 
festival,  called  the  "Angel  Consecration,"  was 
held  every  seventh  year,  which  was  frequented  by 
throngs  of  pilgrims,  many  of  whom  came  from 
a  great  distance.f 

The  abbot  of  "  Our  Lady  "  at  this  time  was 


*This  bull  is  dated  Nov.  n,  964,  and  promises  plenary  indul- 
gence to  all  who  visit  the  chapel.  There  is  some  doubt  as  to  its 
genuineness. 

tThis  festival  is  still  observed  every  seven  years,  and  lasts 
fourteen  days.  The  celebration  begins  on  the  i4th  of  September. 
Every  year  on  that  date  special  services  are  held. 


ZWINGLI   AT   EINSIEDELN  59 

Conrad  von  Rechberg,*  a  man  of  great  candor 
and  of  many  other  excellent  qualities  as  well,  but 
whose  training  and  tastes  were  more  worthy  of  a 
huntsman  and  warrior  than  of  an  ecclesiastic. 
The  affairs  of  the  Abbey  were  left  almost  entirely 
to  the  care  of  the  administrator,  Theobold  von 
Geroldseck.f  Theobold,  being  something  of  a 
scholar,  was  especially  fond  of  the  society  of 
learned  men  and  used  his  office  at  Einsiedeln  to 
fill  the  monastery  with  as  many  scholarly  and 
pious  persons  as  he  could  induce  within  its  walls. 
No  hours  were  so  congenial  to  him  as  those  spent 
in  the  midst  of  this  circle  of  learned  friends,  in 
the  reading  of  some  new  treatise,  or  in  the  fa- 
miliar discussion  of  some  religious  or  literary 
topic.  He  was  quick  to  note  the  deep  piety  of 
Zwingli  and  his  intense  interest  in  and  knowl- 
edge of  the  Word  of  God.  Thirsting  himself  for 
a  similar  kind  of  life  he  sought  Zwingli's  direc- 
tion. "  Study  the  Holy  Scriptures/'  said 
Zwingli,  "  and  that  you  may  better  understand 
them,  read  Saint  Jerome.  However,  the  time  will 
soon  come,  with  God's  help,  when  Christians  will 
little  esteem  Saint  Jerome  or  others,  but  the  Word 
of  God  only." 

Zwingli's    influence    over    Geroldseck     soon 


*Bullinger  Reformationsgesch.,  I.,  p.  9, 
fOs.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  V. 


60  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

showed  itself  in  the  administrator's  efforts  to 
correct  some  of  the  more  obvious  abuses  of  the 
monastic  life  which  came  under  his  immediate 
jurisdiction.  In  the  cloister  of  Fahr,  which  was 
subject  to  the  Abbey,  the  nuns,  instead  of  repeat- 
ing Latin  masses,  were  enjoined  to  read  the  New 
Testament  in  the  German  vernacular.  Permis- 
sion was  granted  to  any  who  felt  unduly  bur- 
dened by  their  vows  to  return  to  their  former  life ; 
but  those  who  remained  were  solemnly  reminded 
of  the  sacredness  of  their  covenant  obligations. 

Admiration  for  Zwingli  increased  daily,  and  he 
speedily  became  the  center  of  affectionate  regard. 
Besides  Geroldseck,  may  be  mentioned  Francis 
Zink  and  John  Oechslin,  both  of  whom  became 
ardently  attached  to  him  as  friends  and  sym- 
pathized with  his  views. 

At  Einsiedeln  Zwingli  made  steady  and  sub- 
stantial progress  in  the  Christian  life.  While  his 
manner  of  living  was  far  below  the  standard  of 
the  Gospel,  and  such  even  as  the  Christian  con- 
science of  no  age  would  approve,  however  tol- 
erant it  might  be,  nevertheless  his  life  at  Einsie- 
deln was  a  marked  improvement  over  his  former 
life  at  Glarus.  Although  we  find  it  nowhere  inti- 
mated in  his  writings,  we  can  scarcely  doubt  that 
one  of  the  strong  though  secret  motives  which  led 
him  to  seek  Einsiedeln  was  the  desire  to  escape 


ZWINGLI    AT   EINSIEDELN  61 

temptations  which  hitherto  had  proved  too  strong 
for  him.  At  all  events,  on  coming  to  Einsiedeln 
he  solemnly  resolved  not  only  to  know  the  Gospel, 
but  thoroughly  to  subject  his  life  to  its  lofty 
standards.  That  he  failed  to  do  so  at  once  is  not 
so  much  a  matter  of  wonder  and  ground  for  con- 
demnation as  a  reason  for  pity,  when  we  remem- 
ber the  exaltedness  of  his  purpose  and  the  net- 
work of  temptation  spread  around  him  on  every 
side. 

He  spent  much  time  in  a  thorough  study  of  the 
Fathers.  He  used  the  commentaries  of  Origen, 
Ambrose,  Jerome,  and  Chrysostom,  and  found 
pleasure  and  instruction  in  the  Annotations  of 
Erasmus.  All  this,  however,  was  secondary  to 
his  study  of  the  Word  itself.  A  monument  to 
Zwingli's  zeal  and  love  for  the  Gospel  may  be 
seen  to  this  day  in  the  public  library  of  Zurich, 
in  the  form  of  a  little  volume  containing  the  Epis- 
tles of  Paul  and  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  in 
Greek,  which  he  carefully  copied  with  his  own 
hand  from  the  text  of  Erasmus'  first  edition  of  the 
Greek  New  Testament,  published  at  Basel  in  1516. 
The  printed  editions  of  the  New  Testament  were 
large  and  cumbersome,  and  Zwingli  desired  a 
copy  which  he  could  conveniently  carry  about 
with  him.  Myconius  states  that  Zwingli  com- 


62  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

mitted  these  and  other  Epistles  to  memory.*  The 
margins  of  this  little  volume  are  covered  with 
notes  in  Latin  from  Erasmus  and  the  Fathers. 
On  the  last  page  is  a  note  in  Greek,  giving  the 
name  of  the  author  and  the  place  and  date  at 
which  the  copy  was  made. 

At  Einsiedeln  Zwingli  had  ample  opportunity 
to  perceive  the  depth  of  superstition  into  which 
the  Church  of  Rome  had  fallen.  This  knowledge 
was  an  essential  part  of  his  training  as  a  reformer. 
In  the  monastery  was  carefully  preserved  an 
image  of  the  Virgin,  said  to  have  fallen  from 
heaven.f  To  it  was  ascribed  the  most  mirac- 
ulous powers.  Over  the  gate  of  the  Abbey,  in 
large  letters,  were  written  the  words :  Hie  est 
plena  remissio  omnium  peccatorum  a  culpa  et 
poena.\  At  the  festival  of  the  Angel  Consecra- 
tion, pilgrims  from  all  parts  of  Switzerland,  Ger- 
many, Italy,  and  France  flocked  to  Einsiedeln  to 
merit  by  their  journey  the  gracious  boon  offered 
in  the  name  of  the  Virgin  Mother  of  God. 

This  delusion  was  the  source  of  immense  rev- 
enue to  the  cloister  and  had  long  served  to  make 
it  one  of  the  wealthiest  in  the  entire  region.  Pro- 
found pity  stirred  Zwingli's  heart  as  he  be- 


*Os.  Myc.   Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  IV. 

tThis  image  may  be  seen  at  the  present  day.  It  stands  over 
the  altar  in  the  chapel. 

$"  Here  may  be  obtained  a  full  remission  of  all  sins  from 
guilt  and  punishment." 


ZWINGLI    AT    EINSIEDELN  63 

held  vast  multitudes  of  his  brethren  for  whom 
Christ  died  groping  in  darkness,  led  astray  by 
the  falsehoods  of  those  who  professed  to  be  their 
true  spiritual  guides.  His  soul  burned  with  in- 
dignation as  he  witnessed  the  gross  forms  of  idol- 
atry and  superstition  practised  in  the  name  of 
worship. 

Deeply  moved  as  Zwingli  must  have  been  by 
all  this,  he  nevertheless  continued  to  pursue  at 
Einsiedeln  the  policy  he  had  formerly  practised 
at  Glarus,  viz.,  of  preaching  the  Word  of  God  in 
its  purity  and  simplicity,  in  full  confidence  that 
when  men  had  once  received  it  they  would  see 
for  themselves  the  errors  and  abuses  of  the 
Church.  His  sermons  were  earnest,  direct,  and 
Scriptural.  What  he  did  in  the  way  of  correcting 
abuses  he  did  quietly.  He  caused  the  sign  over 
the  Abbey  gate  promising  absolution  to  all  to  be 
taken  down.  To  infer  that  Zwingli  adopted  this 
mild  policy  through  fear  or  an  unwillingness  to 
offend  the  Pope  would  be  a  mistake.  No  one 
can  justly  charge  him  with  lack  of  courage.  In 
this  respect  he  was  the  equal  of  Luther,  and 
his  methods,  though  less  bold,  were  as  conscien- 
tiously chosen.  Luther,  in  his  place,  proceeded 
in  the  way  most  likely  to  succeed,  and  the  same 
spirit  which  animated  and  guided  Luther  was 
present  also  in  Zwingli  and  led  him  just  as  unerr- 


64  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

ingly  in  the  choice  of  methods  which,  though 
quite  the  opposite,  were  no  less  successful. 

As  to  the  character  of  Zwingli's  preaching  at 
Einsiedeln,  Gaspard  Hedio,  the  honored  teacher 
of  divinity  at  Basel,  bears  testimony  in  a  letter 
under  date  of  November  6,  1519.*  Hedio 
chanced  to  be  at  Einsiedeln  during  the  feast  of 
Whitsuntide,  1518,  and  heard  Zwingli  preach 
from  the  text :  "  The  Son  of  Man  hath  power  on 
earth  to  forgive  sins."  The  text  was  peculiarly 
adapted  to  the  time  and  place,  and  so  impressive 
were  the  words  of  the  preacher  that  Hedio  seems 
never  to  have  forgotten  them.  He  remarks, 
"  How  beautiful,  how  learned,  solemn,  piercing, 
and  evangelical  that  address !  Its  force  reminds 
me  of  the  ancient  doctors."  From  this  time 
Hedio  entertained  an  abiding  admiration  for 
Zwingli,  and  begged  in  the  most  servile  terms  to 
be  recognized  as  a  friend. 

So  far  there  had  been  nothing  in  Zwingli's  at- 
titude to  arouse  the  hostility  or  the  suspicion  even 
of  the  Roman  party.  On  the  contrary,  Rome 
saw  in  him  one  of  the  most  promising  champions 
of  the  Church,  and  treated  him  as  a  favorite  child. 
He  proceeded  quietly,  as  we  have  seen,  and  the 
reforms  which  he  attempted  affected  not  so  much 


*Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  89. 


ZWINGLI    AT    EINSIEDELN  65 

matters  of  dogma  as  customs  and  practices  con- 
cerning which  there  was  a  wide  difference  of 
opinion  in  the  Church  itself.  We  have  now 
reached  a  stage,  however,  in  the  life  of  Zwingli 
when  his  views  can  no  longer  be  regarded  as 
harmless  to  the  mother  Church.  He  began  at 
this  time  to  entertain  doubts  as  to  the  validity  of 
the  hierarchical  claims,  and  to  question  the  au- 
thority of  the  Pope.  Cardinal  Schinner  paid  fre- 
quent visits  to  Einsiedeln,  and  to  him,  Zwingli 
tells  us,  he  expressed  himself  most  freely.  "  The 
papacy,"  said  he,  "  rests  on  a  poor  foundation. 
Apply  yourself  at  once.  Reject  all  errors  and 
abuses,  or  else  you  will  see  the  entire  structure 
fall  with  a  great  crash."  *  In  a  similar  strain  he 
expressed  himself  to  Antonius  Puccius,  the  papal 
legate  of  Switzerland.  Schinner,  on  the  one- 
hand,  promised  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  remedy 
the  abuses  which  Zwingli  had  pointed  out — a 
promise  which,  although  in  all  probability  sincere 
at  the  time  it  was  made,  was  never  fulfilled.  On 
the  other  hand,  Puccius,  who  was  thoroughly 
alarmed  at  this  new  turn  in  Zwingli,  replied  in 
a  manner  thoroughly  characteristic  of  an  Italian 
diplomat.  Instead  of  interposing  arguments  or 
objections  to  Zwingli's  representations,  he  sought 


*Op.  Zw.,  II.,  p.  7. 


66  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

to  persuade  him  of  the  justice  of  the  papal  claims 
by  an  appeal  to  his  vanity.  Cardinal  Schinner 
on  a  previous  occasion  and  from  a  similar  motive 
had  secured  for  him  a  papal  pension.  Through 
the  activity  of  Puccius,  Zwingli  was  soon  in  re- 
ceipt of  a  diploma  from  the  Pope,  conferring  upon 
him  the  title  of  Acolyte-Chaplain  of  the  Holy 
See.*  Zwingli  declined  the  honor  because  of 
the  obligations  it  imposed,  and  proposed  at  the 
same  time  to  resign  his  pension  also.  The  legate 
pressed  him  to  retain  it,  which  he  reluctantly  con- 
sented to  do  when  it  was  made  clear  to  him  that 
it  was  perfectly  unconditional.  "  Do  not  expect," 
he  remarked,  "  that  for  love  of  gain  I  will  retract 
a  single  syllable  of  the  truth." 

Zwingli's  interest  was  by  no  means  confined  to 
his  own  canton.  About  this  time  Hugo  of  Lan- 
denberg,  Bishop  of  Constance,  recognizing  the 
wide-spread  degeneracy  of  the  Church,  ordered  a 
general  visitation  of  the  churches  of  his  diocese. 
This  move  inspired  in  Zwingli's  breast  the  hope 
that  he  would  go  further  and  endeavor  by  the 
use  of  practical  measures  to  effect  a  general  re- 
form. With  this  in  mind  he  addressed  a  letter 
to  the  Bishop  urging  him  to  take  immediate  steps 
for  the  correction  of  abuses.  John  Faber,  his  in- 


*Hott.,   H.   E.   T.,   VI.,   p.    274-     Op.   Zw.,   VII.,   p.    48   sq. 
Egli,  Anal e eta  Reformatoria,  I.,  pp.  9-21. 


ZWINGLI    AT    EINSIEDELN  67 

timate  friend  and  schoolfellow  at  Vienna,  had 
risen  to  the  honorable  position  of  vicar-general 
of  this  diocese,  a  circumstance  which,  considering 
the  high  esteem  in  which  Faber  was  held  by  the 
Bishop,  gave  him  added  hope  that  something 
would  be  done.  The  Bishop,  however,  proved  to 
be  a  man  of  weak  purpose,  largely  under  the  con- 
trol of  his  friends  and  advisers.  His  endeavor 
to  please  both  himself  and  them  terminated,  as  is 
usual  in  such  cases,  in  his  pleasing  neither. 
Nothing  was  done.  Zwingli  despaired  of  all 
further  effort  to  interest  the  leaders  of  the  Church 
in  a  movement  which  seemed  to  him  so  vital  and 
imperative.  He  came  to  the  conclusion  that  if 
anything  was  to  be  effected  he  must  assume 
personal  leadership,  and  must  rely  less  upon 
his  brethren,  the  clergy,  and  more  upon  the  power 
of  God  through  the  simple  preaching  of  the 
Word.  As  to  abuses,  the  hour  demanded  the 
adoption  of  a  bolder  policy  than  he  had  employed 
heretofore. 

In  the  month  of  August,  1518,  along  the  pass 
which  winds  through  the  snowy  heights  of  the 
St.  Gotthard  Alps  and  forms  the  only  means  of 
communication  between  the  canton  of  Ticino  and 
the  little  canton  of  Uri,  journeyed  a  Franciscan 
monk.  This  barefooted  ascetic  of  an  Italian 
cloister,  Bernhardin  Samson  by  name,  is  best 


68  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

described  as  the  Tetzel  of  Switzerland.  Accred- 
ited by  the  letters  of  Leo  X.  he  came  as  vender 
of  papal  indulgences  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Helvetic  Confederation.  He  began  his  trade  first 
in  the  canton  of  Uri,  but  finding  the  people  poor, 
he  advanced  upon  the  larger  and  more  wealthy 
territory  of  Schwyz.  Zwingli's  indignation 
kindled  as  the  blasphemous  doings  of  this  monk 
were  reported  to  him.  Samson  was  making  di- 
rectly toward  Einsiedeln,  and  Zwingli  prepared 
to  receive  him.  He  preached  with  such  vigor  * 
that  the  indulgence  seller  was  compelled  to  leave 
Schwyz  no  richer  than  he  came,  and,  what  was 
more  galling  to  his  pride,  pelted  by  the  populace 
with  such  epithets  as  "  villain  "  and  "  rogue." 

As  Zwingli's  fame  increased  the  circle  of  his 
friends  was  correspondingly  enlarged.  Even 
within  those  cantons  in  which  the  Pope's  author- 
ity was  most  respected  were  found  those  who 
sympathized  with  and  greatly  admired  the  bold 
preacher  of  Einsiedeln.  Among  the  great  num- 
ber, however,  he  found  none  more  true  to  him 
than  Oswald  Myconius,  of  Lucerne,  whose  ac- 
quaintance he  had  made  on  the  occasion  of  his 
visit  to  Erasmus  at  Basel.  Myconius  had  gone 
to  Zurich  to  take  charge  of  the  Cathedral,- or 


*Op.  Zw.,   VII.,   p.   57   sq. 


ZWINGLI    AT    EINSIEDELN  69 

Great  Minster  school,  of  that  place.  He  found 
here  a  large  field  for  the  exercise  of  his  talent; 
for  Zurich  up  to  this  time  had  been  without  any- 
thing that  deserved  the  name  of  school.  This 
zealous  young  master  and  a  number  of  others 
whose  hearts  he  had  enlisted  in  the  cause  of  learn- 
ing earnestly  began  a  work  for  the  impartation 
of  such  knowledge  and  culture  as  would  rescue 
the  people  from  the  dark  abyss  in  which  they 
were  living.  To  instruction  in  the  classics,  My- 
conius  added,  as  was  his  custom,  talks  upon  the 
Word  of  God,  the  authority  of  which  he  held  to 
be  supreme  as  against  that  of  the  Pope  or  Church. 
From  a  very  early  date  the  Great  Minster  of 
Zurich  was  furnished  with  a  college  of  canons. 
The  original  design  in  the  establishment  of  this 
body  was  that  the  members  thereof  should  enjoy 
their  canonries  as  preachers  of  the  Cathedral  and 
pastors  of  the  congregation.  Like  all  institutions 
of  its  kind,  however,  it  had  long  since  suc- 
cumbed to  the  allurements  of  mediaeval  sloth,  and 
the  canons,  instead  of  preaching  themselves,  a 
duty  for  which  the  majority  possessed  neither 
ability  nor  grace,  elected  a  lent  or  parish 
priest,  to  whom  they  intrusted  the  preaching  and 
the  pastoral  care  of  the  congregation.  Myconius 
had  not  been  long  in  Zurich  when  the  office  of 
few/-priest  became  vacant.  Because  of  his  posi- 


70  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

tion  as  head  of  the  Cathedral  school  he  was  nat- 
urally much  interested  in  the  matter  of  secur- 
ing a  preacher,  and  when  the  question  of  filling 
the  vacant  post  arose,  it  is  not  strange  that  My- 
conius  thought  at  once  of  his  friend  at  Einsiedeln. 
Zwingli's  learning  and  eloquence  had  already 
made  him  one  of  the  most  famous  men  in  Swit- 
zerland— a  fame  which  his  hostility  to  foreign 
pensions,  while  it  made  many  enemies,  only 
served  to  increase.  Myconius  began  at  once  a 
canvass  in  his  interest.  Many  influential  Zurich- 
ers  had  seen  Zwingli  and  heard  him  preach.  All 
knew  him  by  report  as  a  most  learned  and  elo- 
quent man,  and  Myconius  found  the  prospect 
for  his  friend  most  encouraging.  He  remarks 
that  there  were  those  who  worked  day  and 
night  that  Zwingli  might  be  elected.  He  says 
further,  "  Zwingli  was  unaware  of  it  all,  and  hap- 
pening to  visit  Zurich,  one  of  the  canons  asked  him 
whether  he  would  be  willing  to  preach  the  word 
of  the  Lord  in  Zurich.  He  replied,  'Yes;  for  if 
the  grace  of  Christ  is  proclaimed  and  received  in 
so  renowned  a  place,  the  rest  of  Switzerland  will 
soon  follow  the  example.'  "* 


*Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  VI.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
Myconius  wrote  to  Zwingli  (Oct.  28,  1518)  informing  him  of 
the  vacancy  and  asking  whether  he  would  accept  the  place  if 
it  were  offered  him.  Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  52.  To  this  letter  Zwingli 
replied  that  he  would  visit  Zurich  soon  and  would  then  discuss 
the  matter.  Ibid. 


ZWINGLI    AT    EINSIEDELN  71 

Strong  as  was  the  sentiment  in  Zurich  in  favor 
of  Zwingli,  there  were  not  wanting  those  who 
from  the  start  opposed  his  election.  A  personal- 
ity so  aggressive  could  not  fail  to  make  ene- 
mies. Many  hated  him  because  of  his  views  on 
the  subject  of  foreign  pensions;  others  whose 
sympathies  were  thoroughly  Roman  suspected  his 
loyalty  to  the  Church,  and  caught  a  faint  vision 
of  what  his  coming  to  Zurich  would  mean.  The 
opposition,  though  bitter  and  determined,  be- 
cause of  the  fewness  of  their  numbers  despaired 
from  the  start  of  accomplishing  anything.  As 
soon  as  it  was  known  that  Zwingli  was  under 
consideration  several  candidates  were  put  for- 
ward for  the  place,  and  among  them  one  Law- 
rence Fable,  who  preached  a  sermon  in  the  Great 
Minster,  and  of  whom  the  report  was  circulated 
that  he  had  been  chosen.  Zwingli  at  first  was 
inclined  to  credit  the  report.  Hitherto  he  had 
appeared  quite  indifferent  to  what  was  occurring 
at  Zurich.  The  knowledge  that  unworthy  per- 
sons were  seeking  to  supplant  him  seems  to  have 
acted  as  a  stimulus.  At  any  rate,  he  now  became 
interested  to  the  extent  of  writing  to  Myconius 
in  regard  to  his  prospects.  In  a  letter  under  date 
of  December  2,  1518,  assuming  the  truthfulness 
of  the  report  with  respect  to  Fable,  he  says, 
"  Well !  I  know  the  significance  of  popular  ap- 


72  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

plause.  A  Swabian  preferred  to  a  Swiss !  Truly, 
a  prophet  is  without  honor  in  his  own  country."  * 
Myconius  in  reply  the  next  day  removes  his  false 
apprehension.  "  Fable  will  remain  a  fable ;  for 
they  have  learned  that  he  is  father  of  six  boys 
and  holds  I  know  not  how  many  livings."f  He 
then  proceeds  to  assure  him  of  the  number  and 
strength  of  his  friends,  and  of  his  own  unceasing 
activity  in  his  behalf.  He  does  not  conceal  from 
him  the  doings  of  his  enemies,  and  mentions  cer- 
tain charges  that  were  being  circulated  against 
his  character.  ''Although  there  is  no  one/'  he 
says,  "  but  praises  your  teachings  to  the  skies, 
there  are  certain  to  whom  your  natural  aptitude 
for  music  appears  to  be  a  sin,  and  thence  infer 
that  you  are  impure  and  worldly,"  Again,  he 
assures  him  that  he  has  great  reason  to  hope. 
"  It  is  right  that  you  should  take  courage  and 
not  despair.  Even  the  canons  who  are  op- 
posed to  you  predict  to  themselves  that  you 
will  be  the  next  preacher."  He  closes 
with  the  exhortation,  "  Hope  on,  for  I  hope." 
The  election  took  place  on  the  nth  of  Decem- 
ber, 1518,  and  Zwingli  was  chosen  by  a  large 
majority4  This  event  caused  great  rejoicing 
among  his  friends,  except  those  at  Einsiedeln, 


*0p.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  53. 

tiMt 

$Of  the  twenty-four  votes  cast,  seventeen  were  for  Zwingli. 


ZWINGLI    AT    EINSIEDELN  73 

for  whom  it  was  a  matter  of  the  keenest  regret. 
The  administrator  of  the  Abbey,  Baron  Gerolds- 
eck,  whose  relationship  with  Zwingli  had  ripened 
into  the  warmest  of  friendships,  was  especially 
affected.  Even  the  council  of  the  canton  were 
impressed  to  the  extent  of  transmitting  to 
Zwingli  a  letter  of  regret  couched  in  the  most 
respectful  terms.* 

Zwingli's  nomination  to  the  chief  pastorate  of 
the  Great  Minster  drew  forth,  as  we  have  seen, 
certain  charges  against  his  moral  character.  It 
remains  for  us,  therefore,  to  consider  as  briefly 
and  candidly  as  possible  the  facts,  so  far  as  they 
are  known,  relating  to  his  private  life  at  Glarus 
and  Einsiedeln.  An  examination  of  the  data 
upon  which  our  judgment  must  be  based  can- 
iiot  fail  to  bring  us  pain  —  such  pain  as 
we  feel  on  the  discovery  of  facts  which  reflect 
upon  the  character  of  one  whose  noble  qualities 
we  had  learned  to  admire,  and  whose  life  seemed 
to  us  above  reproach.  £  A  deep  stain  rests  upon 
Zwingli's  life  at  this  time.  We  would  fain 
think  of  him  as  entirely  free  from  the  sins  which 
prevailed  among  the  Catholic  clergy  of  that  day. 
Alas!  he  was  not,  as  he  honestly  confesses. 
Bullinger  hints  that  at  Glarus  he  was  accused  of 
improprieties  of  conduct,  but  the  only  reliable 

*Hott,  H.  E.  T.,  VI.,  p.  359;  Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  60. 


74  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

evidence  we  have  is  found  in  Zwingli's  own  writ- 
ings. Through  Myconius  he  was  informed  of 
certain  charges  made  against  him  by  enemies  at 
Zurich,  previous  to  his  election.*  On  Decem- 
ber 4th  he  wrote  a  long  letter  to  Canon  Utinger 
in  which  he  sets  forth  the  truth  of  the  matter  with 
apparent  unreserve,  f  The  letter  partakes  of  the 
nature  both  of  a  confession  and  a  defense,  and  is 
far  from  what  we  would  desire  or  expect. 
Zwingli  admits  that  he  had  been  unchaste.  He 
says  that  about  the  time  of  his  coming  to  Einsie- 
deln  he  made  a  solemn  resolution  to  lead  hence- 
forth a  blameless  life,  but  that  finding  himself 
utterly  alone  in  his  purpose,  he  had  fallen,  and, 
as  he  says,  "  like  the  dog  returned  again  to  his 
vomit.  With  great  shame,  God  knows,  I  have 
dragged  these  things  from  the  depths  of  my 
heart,  in  whose  presence  I  confess  them  much 
more  willingly  than  to  men."  He  stoutly  denies 
that  he  ever  dishonored  marriage  vows,  or  se- 
duced the  innocent.  The  sad  thing  about  it  all 
is  that,  although  he  confessed  his  sin  and  ex-- 
pressed regret,  he  had  at  this  time  no  adequate 
sense  of  the  awfulness  of  his  offense,  as  is  evi- 
dent from  the  flippancy  which  he  assumes  in  cer- 
tain passages  of  this  letter^  He  states  in  closing 

*Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  54, 

,  PP.  54-57. 


ZWINGLI    AT   EINSIEDELN  75 

that  his  letter  is  not  in  exoneration  of  himself, 
except  so  far  as  it  has  to  do  with  the  more  serious 
charges  of  his  enemies.  In  forming  our  estimate 
of  Zwingli  at  this  period  of  his  career,  simple 
justice  forbids  that  we  should  remove  him  from 
the  time  in  which  he  lived,  and  the  character  of 
the  age  which  made  up  his  environment.  We 
must  also  remember  that  at  this  time  he  was  a 
Catholic  priest,  and  sinner  though  he  was,  he  was 
evidently  much  better  than  the  average  of  his  fel- 
lows. Janssen,*  in  his  false  and  merciless  ar- 
raignment of  Zwingli's  character,  assumes  a  con- 
dition of  laxity  in  the  Roman  Church  which  is 
anything  but  creditable  to  that  body,  whose  in- 
terests he  is  defending.  No  Protestant  will  feel 
disposed  to  apologize  for  the  stain  which  rests 
upon  an  otherwise  noble  and  exalted  Christian 
character  further  than  to  say  that  later  Zwingli 
thoroughly  repented  of  his  sin,  and  that  after  he 
married  his  life  was  above  the  reproach  even  of 
his  enemies. 


*Geschichte  des  Deutschen  Volkes,  III.,  pp.  89,  90;  An  meine 
Kritiker,  pp.  127-145. 


CHAPTER  V. 

ZWJNGLI  AS  PASTOR  AT  ZURICH. — HIS  LABORS 
THERE  UNTIL  THE  FIRST  DOCTRINAL  DIS- 
PUTATION.— 1519-1523. 

ZURICH,  at  this  time  the  political  center  of  the 
Swiss  Confederacy,  was  destined  to  become  the 
center  of  religious  influence  also.  Upon  her 
streets  and  in  her  assemblies  were  often  seen 
the  chiefs  of  the  nation,  and  Zwingli,  with  the 
eye  and  instincts  of  a  general,  instantly  grasped 
her  strategic  importance,  and  for  this  reason,  as 
he  says,  was  moved  to  go  there,  that  he  might 
make  Zurich  the  headquarters  of  his  operations 
for  the  regeneration  of  the  Church.  He  arrived 
in  the  city  on  the  27th  of  December,  and  was 
welcomed  with  many  demonstrations  of  joy  on  the 
part  of  the  people.*  He  proceeded  with  as  little 
delay  as  possible  to  the  hall  of  the  chapter,  where 
the  canons  were  assembled  to  tender  him  a 
formal  reception  and  instruct  him  in  the  duties 
of  his  new  office. 

After  the  usual  interchange  of  greetings  the 


•Cf.  Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  pp.  62,  66,  7*. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR   AT   ZURICH      77 

provost  hastened  to  inform  Zwingli  of  the  nature 
of  his  future  work.  He  charged  him  to  be  es- 
pecially faithful  in  reminding  the  flock  of  their 
obligations  in  the  matter  of  tithes  and  offerings, 
but  placed  little  stress  on  his  duties  as  preacher 
and  pastor.*  Preaching,  in  fact,  was  a  matter  of 
such  minor  importance  that  it  was  suggested  that 
he  might  appoint  a  substitute  for  this.  To  these 
instructions  Zwingli  made  no  reply.  He  thanked 
the  chapter  for  the  honor  shown  him  in  his  elec- 
tion. He  then  calmly  proceeded  to  inform  them 
of  the  plan  which  he  had  already  determined 
upon  of  preaching  from  the  whole  of  the  Gospels, 
chapter  by  chapter,  explaining  them  according 
to  the  light  granted  him  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  and 
without  reference  to  human  teachers.  He  re- 
solved, in  short,  to  put  into  public  operation  the 
principles  of  Biblical  interpretation  which  he  had 
long  since  used  in  his  private  study.  So  great 
an  innovation  could  not  fail  to  excite  wonder  and 
alarm.  Canon  Hoffman  mildly  protested  against 
any  new  methods.  Zwingli  replied  that  this 
method  of  preaching  was  not  new,  but  ancient, 
as  was  evident  from  the  homilies  of  Augustine 
and  Chrysostom.  Thus  did  Zwingli  restore  the 
Holy  Scriptures  to  their  proper  place  in  the 


*Schuler,  Zwingli' s  Bildungsgeschichte,  p.  227  sq. 


78  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

service  of  public  worship.  This  fact  is  worthy  of 
special  note,  since  Luther,  with  all  his  reverence 
for  the  Word,  did  not  go  so  far,  but  continued 
until  his  death  to  use  the  pericopes  prescribed 
by  the  Church. 

Shortly  after  his  election  to  become  people's 
priest  at  Zurich  Zwingli  made  a  visit  to  Glarus 
and,  in  the  presence  of  the  parish  authorities,  re- 
signed the  benefice  which  they  had  so  kindly 
forced  him  to  retain.  Acting  on  his  advice  and 
recommendation,  they  voted  to  call  his  friend 
Valentine  Tschudi  to  fill  the  vacancy  thus  cre- 
ated.* 

On  Saturday,  January  i,  1519,  Zwingli  was 
formally  inducted  into  his  new  office,  and  en- 
tered for  the  first  time  the  pulpit  of  the  Great 
Minster.  A  large  and  eager  company  greeted 
his  appearance.  After  a  brief  inaugural  address 
he  restated  to  the  people  the  main  features  of  the 
plan  which  he  had  already  made  known  to  the 
canons,  and  closed  with  the  announcement  that  on 
the  morrow  he  would  begin  a  series  of  discourses 
on  the  Gospel  of  Matthew.  A  still  larger  audience 
confronted  him  on  Sunday  morning  as,  accord- 
ing to  promise,  he  began  his  exposition.  De- 
light mingled  with  amazement  filled  the  minds 


*J.  H.  Tsch.  Chron.  Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  63,  note. 


ZWINGLI   AS    PASTOR   AT   ZURICH      79 

and  souls  of  the  auditors.  Never  before  had  they 
listened  to  such  preaching.  Myconius  says  that 
he  treated  the  loftiest  truths  of  the  Gospel  in  so 
simple  a  manner  as  to  make  them  intelligible  to 
all,  even  to  the  ignorant  and  the  foolish.  He 
pointed  his  hearers  to  Christ  as  the  only  Savior. 
He  inveighed  against  the  sins  and  follies  of  the 
time.  His  words  were  direct,  practical,  fervent, 
and  evangelical.*  Those  who  had  abandoned 
church  services  out  of  disgust  at  the  stupidity  and 
scandalous  lives  of  the  priests  now  returned. 
Many  persons  of  influence  found  in  the  words  of 
the  new  preacher  food  for  both  mind  and  heart, 
and  ever  after  gave  him  their  hearty  and  loyal 
support. 

So  marked  was  the  favor  shown  Zwingli  by 
the  people,  that  his  enemies  had  not  the  boldness 
to  assert  themselves.  But  as  the  new  doctrines 
began  to  lose  their  novelty,  and  the  first  general 
outburst  of  enthusiasm  began  to  subside,  they 
gathered  courage  once  more  and  began  stealth- 
ily to  attack  him.  The  monks  were  especially 
bitter,  and  the  ears  of  the  canons  were  soon  filled 
with  complaints.  Rhenanus  says  that  of  his  ene- 
mies some  laughed  and  joked,  while,  others  gave 
voice  to  violent  threats.f  To  all  this  Zwingli 


*Vide  letter  to  Myc.   Op.  Zw.,   VII.,  p.   142. 
tOp.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  74. 


8o  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

submitted  with  Christian  patience.  His  devotion 
to  music,  which  was  as  strong  as  ever,  continued 
to  furnish  grounds  for  vilification.  His  foes 
dubbed  him  "the  evangelical  lute  player  and 
fifer."* 

According  to  Myconius,  Zwingli  was  very 
methodical  in  his  labors.  He  studied  and  wrote 
in  a  standing  position,  devoting  to  these  ends 
certain  fixed  hours  during  which  he  suffered  no 
interruption  except  for  the  most  urgent  reasons. 
From  the  time  he  arose  in  the  morning  until 
ten  o'clock  he  gave  himself  to  reading,  critical 
study,  and  writing.  His  interest  in  the  classics 
was  unflagging.  He  read  Homer,  Aristotle, 
Plato,  Demosthenes,  Thucidides,  and  others. 
After  dinner  he  listened  to  any  who  brought  him 
news,  or  sought  his  advice.  Sometimes  he  spent 
the  time  until  two  o'clock  in  conversation,  or  in 
walking  with  his  friends.  He  then  resumed  his 
studies.  After  supper  he  sometimes  took  a  short 
walk,  and  then  wrote  letters  until  midnight.f 

In  July,  1519,  there  appeared  before  Zwingli 
a  certain  Lucian,  bringing  letters  from  Rhenanus, 
of  Basel.  Rhenanus,  who  was  an  earnest  Eras- 
mian  of  reform  sympathies,  had  taken  upon  him- 
self to  circulate  as  widely  as  possible  the  writ- 


*Bullinger  Reforvnationsgesch.,  I.,  p.  31. 
tOs.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Ziu.,  VIII. 


ZWINGLI   AS    PASTOR   AT   ZURICH      81 

ings  of  Luther.  He  had  therefore  sent  Lucian 
to  Zwingli,  in  order  that  with  Zwingli's  consent 
he  might  act  as  colporteur  for  Switzerland.  In 
his  letter  Rhenanus  requested  Zwingli  to  ascer- 
tain the  fitness  of  the  bearer,  and  if  he  thought 
him  capable,  to  permit  him  to  sell  Luther's 
books  from  city  to  city  and  from  house  to  house 
throughout  the  country.*  Thus  was  Zwingli  first 
made  to  feel  the  influence  of  the  German  Re- 
former— an  influence  which  he  felt  much  less  than 
did  the  common  people  among  whom  Luther's 
books  were  widely  distributed  and  freely  read. 

We  have  already  recorded  the  arrival  in  Swit- 
zerland of  Samson,  the  indulgence  merchant,  and 
Zwingli's  part  in  driving  him  from  the  canton 
of  Schwyz.  From  Schwyz  he  had  traveled  in 
succession  through  Zug,  Lucerne,  Unterwalden, 
Bern,  and  Aargau,  in  all  of  which,  having  over- 
awed the  people  by  his  brazen  audacity,  he  had 
carried  on  a  thriving  traffic,  and  now  toward  the 
end  of  February,  heavily  laden  with  his  un- 
righteous booty,  we  find  him  heading  toward 
Zurich.  Samson  had  neglected  to  obtain  per- 
mission of  the  Bishop  of  Constance  to  sell  indul- 
gences in  his  diocese,  and  the  Bishop,  angered  by 
this  open  disregard  of  his  authority,  had  ordered 


*Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  81. 


OF  T: 


UNIVERSITY   J 

OF  J 

. 


82  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

the  priests  to  close  the  doors  of  the  churches 
against  him.  Through  Faber,  the  vicar-general, 
Zwingli  was  requested  to  use  his  influence 
against  Samson,  and  to  denounce  indulgence 
selling.*  Before  advancing  on  Zurich,  Samson 
halted  at  the  little  town  of  Bremgarten.  The  dean 
of  the  place,  Henry  Bullinger, father  of  the  church 
historian  and  successor  of  Zwingli  at  Zurich, 
adhered  to  the  mandate  of  the  Bishop  and  stoutly 
refused  to  open  his  church.  After  considerable 
parley,  the  monk,  exasperated  by  the  firm  and 
defiant  attitude  of  the  dean,  in  the  name  of  the 
Pope,  pronounced  against  him  the  greater  ex- 
communication and  set  out  for  Zurich,  declaring 
that  he  would  lay  his  complaint  before  the  Diet, 
then  in  session  in  that  city.  In  the  meantime 
Zwingli,  in  obedience  to  the  Bishop's  orderf  and 
his  own  conscience,  had  been  employing  all  the 
eloquence  and  power  at  his  command  against 
Samson.  Samson  was  well  aware  of  the  opposi- 
tion he  would  meet  from  Zwingli,  but  his  late 
triumphs  at  Bern  and  Baden  had  given  a  lion's 
heart  to  the  man  who  a  few  months  before  had 
fled  in  terror  from  Schwyz.  "  Zwingli  will  speak 
against  me,"  he  scornfully  declared,  "  but  I  will 
stop  his  mouth."  When  Samson's  envoys  ap- 


*Op.  Zw.,  II.,  part  I.,  p.  7. 
tCf.  Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  69. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR    AT   ZURICH      83 

peared  at  Zurich  to  lodge  their  complaint  against 
Bullinger  they  found  the  dean  there  also  for  the 
purpose  of  lodging  a  counter  complaint  against 
Samson.  The  effect  of  Zwingli's  preaching  was 
manifest  in  the  favors  shown  by  the  deputies 
to  the  dean.  The  Council  decided  to  refuse  the 
indulgence  merchant  admission  to  the  city.  A 
committee  was  despatched  to  the  suburbs  where 
Samson  had  arrived  to  inform  him  of  the  will 
of  the  Council.  "  I  have  something  from  His 
Holiness  to  impart  to  the  deputies,"  he  said,  and 
therefore  it  was  agreed  to  allow  him  to  enter. 
When  brought  face  to  face  with  the  assembly, 
however,  it  became  evident  that  his  reply  to  the 
committee  was  simply  a  ruse  to  gain  a  hearing. 
He  was  compelled  to  submit  to  the  humiliation  of 
removing  the  excommunication  which  he  had 
pronounced  against  the  dean  of  Bremgarten. 
When  required  to  furnish  proof  of  the  authen- 
ticity of  his  commission  from  the  Pope,  he  offered 
to  send  a  special  messenger  to  Rome  to  obtain 
it,  and  the  Diet  consented  to  allow  him  to  remain 
in  the  country  until  the  answer  was  received.  At 
the  same  time  they  commissioned  one  Felix 
Grebel  as  their  representative  to  carry  a  letter 
of  complaint  against  Samson  to  Pope  Leo  X. 
The  Pope,  through  his  secretary,  replied  by  letter 
expressing  great  astonishment  at  Samson's  do- 


84  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

ings  and  instructing  the  Diet  in  case  Samson 
was  burdensome  to  them  to  send  him  back  to 
Italy  without  ceremony.*  The  Pope  sent  to  Sam- 
son, at  the  same  time,  a  letter  admonishing  him 
to  adapt  himself  to  the  wishes  of  the  Diet. 

This  forms  the  closing  act  of  the  great  farce 
which  for  six  months  Samson  had  successfully 
played  in  the  cities  and  villages  of  Switzerland. 
He  now  withdrew  to  Italy.  Whether  because 
content  with  his  achievements,  recalled  by  the 
Pope,  or  chagrined  by  his  treatment,  we  do  not 
know.  If  we  credit  the  stories  of  the  narrators 
we  must  concede  that  from  a  financial  point  of 
view  his  ventures  were  something  of  a  success. 
He  made  his  retreat  by  way  of  the  St.  Gotthard, 
whence  he  had  come,  and,  according  to  Bullinger, 
three  horses  were  required  to  haul  the  money  he 
had  collected  from  the  poor  shepherds  of  the 
Swiss  mountains. 

In  August  of  this,  his  first  year  at  Zurich, 
Zwingli  found  himself  so  completely  exhausted 
by  his  exacting  labors  that  he  accepted  the  advice 
of  his  friends  and  retired  to  the  mineral  springs 
of  Pfaefers,f  hoping  that  by  a  few  weeks'  rest 


*Hott.,  Hist.  EccL  N.  T.,  VII.,  pp.  179-180. 

iBad  Pfaefers  is  about  sixty  miles  southeast  of  Zurich,  and 
lies  in  the  narrow  gorge  of  the  Tamina,  a  glacier  stream  ^  which 
empties  into  the  Vorder  Rhein.  The  hot  springs  are  situated 
at  the  mouth  of  the  ravine,  and  in  the  season  (June  ist  to 
Sept.  isth)  are  much  patronized  by  invalids  at  the  present  day. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR    AT   ZURICH       85 

and  the  medicinal  aid  of  these  waters  he  might  re- 
suscitate  his  wasted  powers.  While  here  he  found 
pleasant  fellowship  in  the  company  of  the  poet 
Egentius,  of  Freiburg.  When  he  left  Zurich  the 
city  was  threatened  with  a  plague,  the  Black 
Death,  which  was  rapidly  approaching  Swit- 
zerland from  the  east.  Within  a  few  days 
news  came  that  the  dreaded  scourge  was  already 
at  work  within  the  walls.  Zwingli  would  not 
seek  help  and  safety  while  the  members  of  his 
congregation  were  dying  and  in  need  of  his  pas- 
toral care.  Feeble  in  health  though  he  was,  he 
left  Pfaefers  at  once  and  hastened  to  the  assist- 
ance of  his  stricken  townsmen.  His  brother 
Andrew,  whom  he  found  awaiting  his  return,  he 
sent  home  to  Wildhaus  that  he  might  escape  the 
pestilence.  Zwingli  now  devoted  himself  inces- 
santly to  the  care  of  the  sick  and  the  dying.  He 
sped  rapidly  from  place  to  place,  ministering  to 
the  suffering  with  his  own  hands,  meting  out  to 
all  the  cheer  and  consolation  of  the  Gospel,  and 
reviving  many  a  languishing  and  despondent 
heart  by  his  sunny  countenance  and  kind  words. 
His  friends,  while  they  admired  his  faithfulness 
and  rejoiced  in  his  heroic  self-forgetfulness,  were 
deeply  concerned  for  his  safety.  Their  better 
natures  applauded  while  their  fears  caused  them 
to  wish  that  a  man  so  indispensable  to  the  state 


86  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

and  the  Christian  religion  were  far  removed  from 
the  arrows  of  the  deadly  contagion.  "  Perform 
your  duty,"  said  one,  "  but  at  the  same  time  be 
careful  to  guard  your  own  life."  The  warnings 
of  friends  were  unheeded,  and  Zwingli  in  con- 
sequence succumbed  to  the  disease.  His  bodily 
weakness,  augmented  by  the  toil  and  nervous 
exhaustion  entailed  in  the  service  of  his  dying 
brethren,  gave  a  powerful  hold  to  the  destroyer. 
So  virulent  was  the  attack  that  it  seemed  proba- 
ble that  the  Reformer  of  Switzerland  would  never 
rise  from  his  bed.  The  quality  of  Zwingli's  Chris- 
tian life  was  brought  to  light  in  some  measure 
by  the  fiery  trial  to  which  he  was  subjected. 
His  heart  was  filled  with  a  spirit  of  hope- 
fulness and  filial  trust,  which  found  expression 
during  the  first  days  of  his  illness  in  the  follow- 
ing lines  which  he  composed: 

Help  me,  O  Lord, 

My  strength  and  rock; 
Lo,  at  the  door 

I  hear  death's  knock. 

Uplift  thine  arm, 

Once  pierced  for  me, 
That  conquered  death, 

And  set  me  free. 

Yet,  if  thy  voice, 

In  life's  midday, 
Recalls  my  soul, 

Then  I  obey. 


ZWINGLI   AS    PASTOR   AT   ZURICH      87 

In  faith  and  hope 

Earth  I  resign, 
Secure  of  heaven, 

For  I  am  Thine. 

Later,  when  the  disease  had  gained  such  pos- 
session that  he  despaired  of  life,  his  faith  in  God 
remained  firm,  and  in  beautiful  and  childlike  sub- 
mission he  breathed  forth  the  following  prayer : 

My  pains  increase; 

Haste  to  console; 
For  fear  and  woe 

Seize  body  and  soul. 

Death  is  at  hand, 

My  senses  fail, 
My  tongue  is  dumb; 

Now,  Christ,  prevail. 

Lo!  Satan  strains 

To  snatch  his  prey; 
I  feel  his  grasp; 

Must  I  give  way? 

He  harms  me  not, 

I  fear  no  loss, 
For  here  I  lie 

Beneath  thy  cross. 

The  news  of  Zwingli's  sickness  soon  spread 
far  and  wide — a  proof  of  his  popularity  and  the 
interest  he  had  already  inspired.  The  prospect 
of  his  death  caused  the  greatest  dejection  among 
his  friends  at  Zurich.  Bullinger  says  that  prayer 


88  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

was  incessantly  made  for  his  recovery.  From 
his  old  home  in  the  Toggenburg,  to  which  the 
plague  had  already  extended,  came  a  letter  of 
anxious  inquiry.*  At  Basel  the  report  of  his 
death  plunged  his  friend  Hedio  into  the  deepest 
sorrow.  The  whole  city,  in  fact,  was  affected  by 
the  report.*}*  It  was  the  will  of  God,  however, 
that  Zwingli  should  recover.  He  had  still  a  great 
work  for  him  to  do  in  Switzerland.  Little  by 
little  his  strength  returned,  until  at  last  he  felt 
a  firm  conviction  that  God  intended  to  restore 
him.  Then  it  was  that,  with  heart  swelling  with 
gratitude  and  emotion,  he  composed  the  follow- 
ing lines  on  his  recovery : 

My  God!  my  Lord! 

Healed  by  thy  hand, 
Upon  the  earth 

Once  more  I  stand. 

Let  sin  no  more 

Rule  over  me; 
My  mouth  shall  sing 

Alone  to  Thee. 

Though  now  delayed, 

My  hour  will  come, 
Involved,  perchance, 

In  deeper  gloom. 


*0p.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  88. 

p.  90. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR   AT   ZURICH       89 

But,  let  it  come; 

With  joy  I'll  rise, 
And  bear  my  yoke 

Straight  to  the  skies.* 

It  was  November  before  Zwingli  was  well 
enough  to  write  to  his  friends.  He  then  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  his  brother  Andrew.f 

The  fact  that  neither  Zwingli  nor  his  brother 
make  mention  of  their  parents  at  this  time  is 
good  ground  for  believing  that  they  were  already 
dead.  One  year  later,  on  the  return  of  the 
plague,  Zwingli  was  called  upon  to  lament  the 
death  of  his  brother  Andrew,  to  whom  he  was 
most  strongly  attached.^ 

The  joy  of  Zwingli's  friends  over  the  news  of 
his  recovery  was  as  sincere  and  outspoken  as  their 
grief  over  his  supposed  death.  Gaspard  Hedio,§ 
and  even  John  Faber,||  wrote  him  warm  letters 
of  congratulation. 

Zwingli  had  been  spared,  but  spared  to  mourn 
the  loss  of  many  of  his  friends.  His  health  also 


*Zw.  Poetische  Schriften,  Werke,  II.,  part  II.,  pp.  269-274. 
On  pp.  272-274  is  found  a  fairly  good  rendering  into  modern 
German.  To  make  a  satisfactory  translation  of  this  poem  into 
English  prose  is  impossible,  and  to  attempt  it  would  be  mani- 
festly unfair  to  its  author.  In  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  the 
best  poetic  rendition  is  that  found  in  Schaff's  History  of  the 
Christian  Church  (VII.,  pp.  44-46),  and  it  is  the  one  here  given. 
Vide  Morikofer,  I.,  pp.  72-74. 

tOp.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  88. 

\Aeque  itaque  feras,  ut  tandem  rem  speriam,  mortem,  germani 
nostri  Andreae,  optimae  indolis  adolescentis.  Op.  Zw.,  VII., 
P-  155- 

§Ibid.,  p.  90. 

\Ibid.,  p.   101. 


90  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

was  ruined.  That  noble  physique  which  had 
been  one  of  the  sources  of  his  power  seemed  com- 
pletely shattered.  Much  time  would  be  needed 
for  its  restoration,  but  the  pressure  of  his  duties 
was  such  that  he  was  forced  to  resume  work 
in  his  enfeebled  condition.  He  labored  wearily 
under  that  burden  of  depression  felt  by  the  newly 
convalescent.  His  memory  was  so  weakened  that 
he  could  scarcely  trust  himself  to  preach.  Never- 
theless he  found  strength  in  God,  and  in  the 
comforting  and  inspiring  letters  of  his  friend 
Myconius.  It  was  only  after  long  deliberation, 
and  a  conscientious  consideration  of  the  primary 
claims  urged  upon  him  in  behalf  of  his  native 
city,  that  Myconius  early  in  the  year  had  left 
Zurich  and  the  society  of  his  dear  friend,  and 
taken  up  his  abode  in  Lucerne  as  the  head 
master  of  the  collegiate  school  in  that  place. 
Zwingli  was  much  affected  by  this  unexpected 
separation  from  his  friend.  "  Your  departure," 
wrote  he  in  a  letter  shortly  after  his  recovery, 
"  is  no  less  a  misfortune  to  the  Gospel  cause 
in  Zurich  than  to  an  army  in  battle  array  would 
be  the  destruction  of  one  of  its  wings."  *  Os- 
wald wrote  to  his  friend  in  the  most  hopeful 
strain.  His  faith  in  the  power  and  ultimate  tri- 


*Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  98. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR   AT   ZURICH      91 

umph  of  the  Gospel  was  strong.  He  freely  dis- 
cussed the  contest  being  waged  between  Luther 
and  the  Pope.  In  the  victories  of  the  Saxon 
champion  he  discerned  the  hand  of  God  raised 
in  defense  of  his  truth  everywhere.  One  of  God's 
favorite  methods  of  revealing  his  love  and  power 
to  the  children  of  men,  and  of  elevating  them 
to  loftier  heights  of  Christian  experience,  is  the 
fiery  furnace  of  trial  through  which  from  time  to 
time  he  compels  them  to  pass.  The  psalmist  of 
old  found  this  to  be  true,  and  Zwingli  also  was 
made  to  feel  the  firm  and  unfailing  arm  of  God 
in  the  midst  of  the  deep  affliction  into  which  he 
was  brought.  We  cannot  read  the  hymn  com- 
posed during  his  illness  without  perceiving  the 
salutary  influence  already  wrought  upon  his  soul. 
The  experience  of  those  days  spent  in  pastoral 
rounds  among  his  people,  in  which  he  was 
brought  face  to  face  with  death  in  countless 
homes,  made  a  lasting  impression  upon  his  char- 
acter. Life  clothed  itself  with  a  seriousness  and 
the  truths  of  God  assumed  a  reality  which  he 
had  never  known  before.  The  events  of  this 
period  served  to  deepen  and  intensify  all  the  ef- 
forts and  purposes  of  the  remaining  years  of  his 
life.* 


*  Certain  historians,  notably  Merle  d'Aubigne,  attach  even 
greater  importance  to  this  period.  The  latter  characterizes  it 
as  "  the  epoch  of  complete  emancipation  and  entire  consecration 


92  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Early  in  the  year  1520  Zwingli  made  a  trip  to 
Basel  to  visit  his  friends  there,*  and  the  Gospel 
cause  in  that  city  was  substantially  aided  by  his 
going.  Capito,  the  cathedral  preacher  of  the 
place,  and  a  friend  of  Zwingli,  following  his  ex- 
ample and  doubtless  his  advice,  began  to  preach 
on  the  Gospel  of  Matthew.  His  audiences  im- 
mediately increased,  and  the  people  hailed  with 
delight  the  new  method  and  the  still  newer  truths 
that  they  heard.  This  beginning  of  the  pure 
Gospel  in  Basel  met  with  the  same  opposition 
from  the  monks  which  it  had  all  along  met  with 
at  Zurich.  Capito,  who  lacked  the  bravery  which 
characterized  the  great  reformers,  trembled  at  the 
threats  which  his  preaching  drew  forth,  and 
rather  than  meet  his  enemies  he  resigned  his  post 
to  accept  a  position  offered  him  at  the  court  of 
the  Cardinal- Archbishop  of  Mentz.  The  youthful 
Hedio,  who  succeeded  Capito,  not  without  much 
opposition  from  the  Roman  party,  though  nat- 
urally timid  and  retiring,  developed  a  fearless- 
ness f  which  contrasts  greatly  with  the  pusil- 
lanimity of  his  predecessor.  And  yet  the  resist- 
ance soon  became  so  strong  that  he  was  corn- 


to  God."  Historically,  there  is  little  ground  for  such  a  state- 
ment. Aside  from  the  effects  which  we  have  mentioned  there 
was  no  violent  change  at  this  or  any  other  period  of  Zwingli's 
life.  His  spiritual  growth  was  gradual  and  progressive  through- 
out. 

*Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  103. 
p.    120. 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  AT  ZURICH 


93 


pelled  to  call  on  Zwingli  to  stimulate  his  courage. 
"  Increase  my  bravery,"  he  writes,  "  by  frequent 
letters.  Learning  and  Christianity  are  now,  so 
to  speak,  between  the  hammer  and  the  anvil.  If 
they  were  ever  threatened  with  dangers  they  are 
threatened  now."  *  It  seemed  as  though  the 
contest  with  Romanism  had  now  fairly  begun. 
The  friends  of  the  Gospel  at  Basel  and  Lucerne 
urged  the  necessity  of  warlike  measures. 
Zwingli,  on  the  other  hand,  counseled  them  to 
proceed  with  mildness  and  moderation.  "  I 
would  seek  to  win  not  by  violent  opposition,  but 
by  kindliness/'  f  said  he.  This  rule  he  aimed  to 
observe  in  his  own  preaching  at  Zurich.  His 
sermons  were  mainly  expository  and  in  conform- 
ity with  the  general  plan  which  he  had  outlined  at 
the  beginning  of  his  pastorate.  During  the  first 
four  years  at  Zurich  he  practically  covered  the 
whole  of  the  New  Testament.  The  success  of 
his  work  is  evident  from  a  letter  to  Myconius 
under  date  of  December  31,  1519,  in  which  he 
says  that  over  two  thousand  had  been  sufficiently 
nourished  by  the  milk  of  the  Word  to  be  in  need 
of  more  solid  food.J  Unfortunately,  Zwingli's 
early  sermons  at  Zurich  have  not  been  preserved. 
They  were  probably  prepared  in  such  a  manner 

*0p.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  121. 
llbid.,  p.  103. 
\Ibid.,  p.  104. 


94  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

as  to  render  their  preservation  impossible.  It  is 
known  that  they  were  quite  informal  in  style, 
deserving  rather  the  designation  of  hortatory 
"  talks  "  than  sermons.  A  fair  though  general 
idea  of  Zwingli's  teaching  at  this  time  may  be 
obtained  from  the  Archeteles.  Many  who  came 
from  distant  parts  of  the  Confederacy  to  attend 
the  Diet  heard  Zwingli  preach,  and  his  influence 
was  thus  disseminated  far  and  near,  so  much  so 
that  Myconius  was  prompted  to  write,  "  All  Swit- 
zerland hears  you."  *  Despite  his  success  his 
soul  was  often  overwhelmed  with  discourage- 
ment by  reason  of  the  opposition  which  he  met. 
He  always  managed,  however,  to  triumph  over 
his  dejection  and  roll  back  the  clouds  of  despond- 
ency by  summoning  to  his  relief  the  rich  prom- 
ises of  the  Gospel.  "  The  life  of  man  upon 
earth/'  said  he,  "  is  a  continual  warfare.  Who- 
ever desires  to  gain  glory  must  face  the  battle 
and  compel  his  proud  and  haughty  Goliath  to 
bite  the  dust.  .  .  .  The  Church  was  purchased 
with  blood  and  with  blood  it  must  be  restored. 
There  is  no  other  way  possible."  f 

The  leaven  of  the  Gospel,  which  had  been  si- 
lently at  work,  showed  its  power  unmistakably 
in  the  year  1520.  Many  of  the  city  magistrates 


*Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  135. 
'd.,  P.  143- 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  AT  ZURICH 


95 


had  been  won  to  the  truth  by  the  fearless  preach- 
ing of  Zwingli,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  give 
it  legal  sanction  and  support.  A  decree  was 
enacted  by  the  Council  to  the  effect  that  "  priests 
and  curates  should  freely  and  everywhere  preach 
the  Holy  Gospels  and  the  Epistles  of  the  Holy 
Apostles,  and  that  they  should  only  teach  what 
they  could  prove  and  establish  by  the  Word  of 
God.  As  for  the  doctrines  and  commandments 
of  men,  they  should  let  them  alone."  *  This 
step,  taken  as  it  was  prior  to  the  birth  of  the 
autonomous  idea  of  the  relation  of  church  and 
state,  must  be  regarded  as  nothing  less  than  the 
simple  logic  of  events.  At  the  same  time,  it  was 
the  first  step  in  the  direction  leading  ultimately 
to  the  great  conflict  between  Romanism  and  the 
Gospel,  the  results  of  which  were  so  disastrous 
to  both  parties,  especially  to  the  Reformation. 
This  action,  which  is  the  first  instance  of  civil 
interference  in  behalf  of  the  Gospel,  aroused,  as 
might  have  been  expected,  a  storm  of  violent  in- 
dignation, especially  on  the  part  of  the  monks. 
They  were  ordered  to  preach  the  Gospel,  a  system 
of  truth  which  many  of  them  had  never  read. 
Early  in  the  year  1521  Zwingli  received  a 
visit  from  Berthold  Haller,  the  youthful  and 
talented  preacher  of  Bern.  Haller  was  born  at 

*H.  Bullinger's  Reformationsgesch.,  I.,  p.  32. 


96  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Aldingen  in  Wiirtemberg,  and  had  studied  under 
Rubellus  and  Simmler.  Melanchthon  was  at  one 
time  his  fellow  pupil.  Through  the  influence  of 
education  and  friends  Haller  naturally  inclined 
toward  the  Reformed  views.  When  made 
preacher  at  Bern  he  became  acquainted  for  the 
first  time  with  the  teachings  of  Zwingli,  and  was 
so  impressed  that  he  longed  to  meet  him  per- 
sonally. Both  were  mutually  benefited  by  this 
brief  visit.  Zwingli's  heart  was  strengthened  and 
comforted  by  the  friendly  sympathy  of  this  young 
disciple.  Haller's  fears  were  allayed  and  his 
courage  stimulated  by  the  cheering  counsel  of 
his  more  experienced  brother.  The  personal 
bond  which  united  these  men  and  made  them  co- 
laborers  until  the  death  of  Zwingli  contributed 
much  to  the  unity  and  success  of  the  Reformation 
in  Switzerland. 

Zwingli  found  the  pastoral  work  of  his  charge 
so  great  as  to  leave  him  little  time  for  study. 
He  therefore  called  to  his  assistance  two  helpers : 
Staheli,  a  curate  of  Baden,  whose  zeal  and  faith- 
fulness had  won  his  admiration,  and  Luti,  who 
later  became  pastor  of  Winterthur.  Thus  re- 
lieved, Zwingli  devoted  more  time  to  study  and 
to  the  preparation  of  his  sermons.  Under  a  pupil 
of  Reuchlin,  who  had  come  to  Zurich,  Boschen- 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR   AT   ZURICH      97 

stein  by  name,*  he  began  a  systematic  study  of 
the  Hebrew  language.  This  knowledge  he 
turned  at  once  to  practical  account,  for  in  De- 
cember, 1520,  he  began  a  course  of  expository 
discourses  on  the  Psalms.  He  prepared  him- 
self for  this  work  by  a  careful  study  of  the  orig- 
inal text.  These  discourses  were  given  on  Fri- 
days, and  were  especially  intended  for  the 
peasantry,  who  on  that  day  came  in  great  num- 
bers to  the  city  to  exchange  the  products  of  their 
farms. 

About  this  time  the  death  of  Maximilian  I., 
Emperor  of  Austria,  set  going  once  more  all  the 
engines  of  diplomatic  intrigue.  Charles  I.,  of 
Spain,  and  Francis  I.,  of  France,  were  rivals  for 
the  Austrian  crown.  The  Swiss  cantons,  with  the 
exception  of  Zurich,  were  bound  by  treaty  to  the 
king  of  France.  It  was  an  easy  matter  for  him, 
therefore,  to  gain  their  assistance  in  support  of 
his  claims.  Zurich,  under  the  leadership  of 
Zwingli,  insisted  on  maintaining  a  neutral  po- 
sition. The  Council  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
people  urging  an  expression  of  their  views  on  the 
subject  of  new  alliances.  With  great  unanimity 
they  replied  that  "  The  government  should  have 
nothing  to  do  with  foreign  lords."  The  Council 


*Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  VIII. 


98  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

accordingly  refrained  from  entangling  itself  with 
the  affairs  of  France,  and  this  drew  upon  Zurich, 
and  especially  upon  Zwingli,  who  was  regarded 
as  the  prime  mover  in  the  affair,  the  suspicion 
and  hatred  of  the  other  cantons.  This  ill  feeling 
was  augmented  by  what  immediately  followed. 
Pope  Leo  X.,  who  had  espoused  the  cause  of 
Charles,  sent  Schinner  to  Zurich  to  obtain  sol- 
diers for  service  in  Italy.  This  Zwingli  vehe- 
mently opposed,  even  as  strongly  as  he  had  op- 
posed the  alliance  with  Prance.  Schinner  rep- 
resented, however,  that  the  troops  would  be 
used  only  in  defense  of  the  papal  states  in 
strict  accordance  with  an  already  existing 
treaty,  and  under  this  restriction  a  small  army 
was  sent  to  Italy.  The  combined  French  and 
Confederate  forces  were  defeated  by  the  papal 
and  imperial  armies,  and  although  the  Zurichers 
according  to  instructions  took  no  part  in  the  en- 
gagement, and  Zwingli  had  earnestly  though 
vainly  opposed  the  sending  of  the  troops,  never- 
theless the  result  served  to  augment  still  further 
the  bitterness  of  the  Confederates  toward  Zurich 
and  her  preacher. 

Zwingli,  though  burdened  with  a  feeling  of 
shame  and  humiliation  in  consequence  of  the  ac- 
tion of  the  Council  in  yielding  to  the  Pope's  em- 
issary, was  far  from  overwhelmed.  He  labored 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  AT  ZURICH 


99 


and  preached  all  the  more  zealously.  He  would 
free  the  consciences  of  the  people  from  man- 
imposed  restrictions  and  churchly  superstitions. 
As  the  season  of  Lent  approached  in  1522,  he 
made  an  address  based  on  I.  Tim.  4:1-5,  in  which 
he  attacked  the  Church's  prohibition  of  meats. 
"  Some,"  said  he,  "  hold  that  to  eat  meat  is  a 
great  sin,  though  God  has  not  forbidden  it ;  yet 
they  think  it  no  crime  at  all  to  sell  human  flesh 
to  the  foreigner."  *  Such  language  greatly  en- 
raged the  advocates  of  the  mercenary  wars. 
While  Zwingli  in  practice  strictly  refrained  from 
the  eating  of  meats  for  fear  of  offending  weak 
consciences,  nevertheless  there  were  those  who 
showed  less  discretion  and  regard  for  the  well- 
being  of  others,  among  them  Rubli,  the  banished 
curate  of  St.  Albans',  and  Conrad  Huber. 
These  men  were  wont  to  meet  two  days  in  the 
week  to  eat  meat,  chiefly,  as  it  would  seem,  to 
proclaim  thereby  their  defiance  of  the  Church. 
This  naturally  and  very  properly  gave  offense, 
and  complaint  was  made  to  the  Council.f  That 
body  after  receiving  the  complaints  sought  ad- 
vice from  Zwingli.  Zwingli  advanced  as  his 
opinion  that  the  eating  of  meats  every  day  of  the 


*Op.  Zw.,  II.,  part  ii.,  p.  301. 

t  Christopher  Froschauer,  the  printer,  was  among  the  number 
accused  of  eating  meat  during  Lent.  He  was  summoned  before 
the  Council  to  answer  for  his  offense. 


ioo  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

week  was  not  a  sin  in  itself,  but  inasmuch  as 
there  were  ordinances  of  the  Church  against  it, 
people  ought  to  refrain  until  some  competent 
authority  had  decided  the  matter.  The  Church 
party,  feeling  that  success  depended  in  great 
measure  upon  promptness  of  action,  petitioned 
the  Bishop  of  Constance  to  investigate  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  at  Zurich,  and  on  the  7th  of 
April  a  deputation  appointed  by  the  Bishop  ar- 
rived in  the  city.  It  consisted  of  the  Bishop's 
suffragan,  Melchior  Wattli,  Dr.  Nicholas  Brend- 
lin,  and  the  preacher  of  the  Cathedral,  John 
Wanner.*  Next  morning  a  summons  was  is- 
sued to  all  the  clergy  of  Zurich  to  meet  in  the 
hall  of  the  chapter.  Great  excitement  prevailed. 
As  soon  as  they  were  all  assembled  the  suffragan 
arose  and  addressed  the  meeting.  His  words  were 
bitter  and  intemperate,  and  although  he  studiously 
avoided  names  it  was  evident  to  all  that  his 
remarks  were  directed  against  Zwingli.  Zwingli 
so  understood  it,  and  as  soon  as  the  suffragan 
had  finished  he  made  reply.  So  effectually  did 
he  answer  the  charges  made  that  the  spokesman 
of  the  Bishop  left  the  hall  in  confusion.  Having 
failed  before  the  assembly  of  the  clergy,  the  dep- 
utation as  a  next  step  laid  the  case  before  the 


*Op.  Zw.,  III.,  pp.  8-16;  Ibid.,  VII.,  p.  202. 


ZWINGLI   AS    PASTOR   AT    ZURICH    101 

Small  Council,  the  majority  of  whom  were 
known  to  be  hostile  to  Zwingli  and  the  Gospel. 
Not  being  a  member  of  the  Small  Council, 
Zwingli  was  absent  from  the  meeting,  and  the 
representatives  of  the  Bishop  were  on  the  point 
of  obtaining  all  they  desired,  when  a  few  coun- 
cilors who  were  favorable  to  Zwingli,  recogniz- 
ing the  injustice  of  the  proposed  action,  appealed 
the  matter  to  a  meeting  of  the  Great  Council. 
Thus  it  was  that  the  Gospel  passed  through  the 
greatest  crisis  it  had  yet  experienced,  and  nar- 
rowly averted  what  promised  to  be  a  great 
calamity.  The  majority  of  the  Great  Council 
were  favorable  to  Zwingli,  and  the  case  there- 
fore appeared  more  hopeful.  Nevertheless,  his 
enemies  were  busy,  and  as  it  was  some  time  be- 
fore the  Council  would  meet  they  had  large  op- 
portunity for  intrigue.  They  plotted  to  prevent 
Zwingli  from  being  present  at  the  hearing.  In 
this  they  were  at  first  successful.  Zwingli  sought 
in  vain  to  be  admitted,  and  after  using  every 
legitimate  means  in  his  power  he  committed  his 
cause  and  that  of  the  Gospel  to  God  in  prayer,  and 
tranquilly  awaited  the  result.  The  Two  Hun-' 
dred  assembled  in  the  latter  part  of  the  month, 
and  no  sooner  had  they  met  than  the  friends  of 
the  Reformation  entered  a  vigorous  protest 
against  the  exclusion  of  their  pastors  from  the 


102  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

sessions  of  the  Council.  The  effort  was  success- 
ful, and  the  pastors  were  admitted  despite  the 
violent  opposition  of  the  papal  party.  It  was 
agreed  that  the  Bishop's  deputies  should  present 
their  complaints,  and  that  the  priests  of  Zurich 
should  be  free  to  reply.  After  a  short  pause  the 
suffragan  of  Constance  came  forward  and  began 
to  speak.  He  referred  in  a  general  way  to  the 
dangers  which  threatened  the  state  and  the 
Christian  faith  through  the  preaching  of  "  novel, 
revolting,  and  seditious  doctrine."  In  his  per- 
oration he  appealed  to  the  councilors  with  much 
insistence  to  remain  in  the  Catholic  Church. 
When  he  had  finished  he  and  his  colleagues  pre- 
pared to  leave.  Zwingli  arose  and  earnestly 
entreated  them  to  remain ;  but  they  would  doubt- 
less have  retreated  had  not  the  burgomaster  inter- 
posed with  the  request  that  they  stay  and  listen 
to  the  defense  of  the  Zurich  pastor.  Zwingli  re- 
pelled the  charge  of  sedition  and  disrespect  for 
law  which  the  suffragan  had  made  against  Zu- 
rich by  inviting  him  to  compare  it  with  the  other 
cities  of  the  Confederacy.  He  inveighed  against 
ceremonies  and  extolled  the  Gospel  as  the  bul- 
wark of  the  nation.  Fasts  which  were  not  en- 
joined by  the  Word  of  God  were  matters  of  in- 
difference, and  no  one  should  be  compelled  to 
fast  on  the  authority  of  the  Church  alone.  The 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR    AT   ZURICH     103 

Council  at  the  close  of  the  session  decided  that 
in  the  Pope  and  his  cardinals  alone  was  vested 
the  authority  to  determine  these  points,  and  also 
decreed  that  until  the  matter  was  authoritatively 
settled  the  people  should  abstain  from  the  viola- 
tion of  Church  laws.  While  this  decision  left 
matters  precisely  where  they  were  previous  to 
the  discussion,  in  the  minds  of  the  people  it  vir- 
tually amounted  to  a  victory  for  the  Reformation. 
The  haughty  and  imperious  representative  of  the 
Bishop  had  been  publicly  defeated  and  humiliated 
in  the  eyes  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  Zurich.  The 
effect  of  Zwingli's  words  upon  his  opponents 
may  be  learned  from  a  letter  to  Myconius,  in 
which  he  briefly  describes  the  encounter.  "  I  so 
replied  to  them  in  the  presence  of  the  assembly, 
that  it  is  the  common  talk  that  they  will  never 
again  rally  their  scattered  forces.  Yet  even  now 
I  hear  that  certain  ones  are  preparing  to  renew 
the  battle.  I  fear  them  as  the  rocks  fear  the 
huge  waves  which  threaten  them  from  the 
deep."  * 

Zwingli  had  enemies  among  the  canons  of  the 
Great  Minster.  Though  we  can  scarcely  regard 
them  as  formidable,  they  were  nevertheless 
troublesome.  Canon  Hoffman  complained  of 


*0p.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  203. 


104  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Zwingli  before  the  chapter,  but  his  charges  were 
so  groundless  and  absurd  as  to  result  simply  in 
mirth  at  the  Canon's  expense.  That  his  peo- 
ple might  have  a  clearer  understanding  of 
Scripture  teaching  on  the  subject,  Zwingli  pub- 
lished on  the  loth  of  April  a  treatise  entitled, 
Abstaining  from  and  Partaking  of  Meats;  Of- 
fense-giving and  Strife*  In  this  work,  while 
he  proves  that  compulsory  fasting  is  contrary  to 
Scripture,  nevertheless  he  enforces  upon  ad- 
vanced Christians  the  necessity  of  observing  St. 
Paul's  rule,  lest  by  their  show  of  liberty  they 
offend  weak  consciences.  The  peace  of  the  com- 
munity was  also  to  be  taken  into  account  in  the 
exercise  of  Christian  freedom.  It  is  the  Chris- 
tian's duty,  as  far  as  possible,  to  follow  those 
things  which  make  for  peace.  This  mild  and 
eminently  Christian  treatise  removed  doubts  and 
set  the  minds  of  men  at  rest.  It  also  revealed  to 
the  papal  party  the  strength  of  the  Reformed  po- 
sition, and  the  necessity  of  prompt  and  vigorous 
action  if  their  cause  was  to  be  maintained. 

Zwingli's  success  and  his  hopeful  militant  spirit 
had  a  quickening  influence  on  the  friends  of  the 
Gospel  everywhere.  In  Germany,  where  the 
cause  of  the  Gospel  rested  under  a  cloud  in  con- 


•Op.  Zw.,  I.,  p.  i. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR   AT   ZURICH    105 

sequence  of  the  mysterious  disappearance  of 
Luther  and  his  confinement  in  the  castle  of  the 
Wartburg,  there  were  signs  of  awakening  hope 
in  the  hearts  of  the  people  as  the  news  of  events 
in  Switzerland  reached  their  ears.  Nesen,  the 
Frankfort  professor,  who  had  entertained  Luther 
on  his  way  to  Worms,  in  a  letter  to  Zwingli  says : 
"I  am  aware  with  what  authority  and  freedom 
you  preach  Christ,  and  of  how  many  men  you  win 
to  Him  day  by  day.  I  pray  Christ  that  you  may 
continue,  and  that  you  may  also  aid  those  who 
have  been  compelled  to  flee  from  us  on  account 
of  the  cruelty  of  the  bishops."  * 

Zwingli's  social  prominence  and  commanding 
influence  carried  with  it  that  element  of  personal 
risk  which  invariably  attaches  to  men  in  high 
places,  and  which  is  always  greatest  during  that 
turbulent,  feverish  period  immediately  preceding 
any  great  popular  movement.  Frequent  threats 
had  already  been  made  against  his  life.  About 
this  time,  from  a  friend  in  Swabia  who  did  not 
sign  his  name,  but  who  proved  to  be  Michael 
Hummelberger,  of  Ravensburg,  came  a  letter 
which  read  as  follows :  "  If  ever  thou  hadst  re- 
gard for  thy  life,  have  it  now ;  for  on  every  side 
thou  art  surrounded  by  traps  and  snares.  Deadly 


•Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  208. 


io6  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

poison  stands  ready  to  take  thee  away.  Be  on 
thy  guard.  When  thou  art  hungry  eat  only  what 
thy  own  cook  has  prepared."*  Myconius  relates 
in  detail  several  attempts  upon  his  life.  A  mes- 
senger once  came  at  midnight  to  summon  him 
to  the  bedside  of  a  dying  person.  The  attendant 
who  went  to  the  door  refused  to  wake  Zwingli, 
as  he  was  greatly  exhausted  with  the  previous 
day's  work.  He  offered  to  go  himself,  but  the 
man  declined  his  offer  and  thus  aroused  his 
suspicion.  The  attendant  then  made  some  ex- 
cuse, as  if  to  go  and  arouse  Zwingli,  and 
closed  the  door  in  the  messenger's  face.  Next 
morning  it  was  discovered  that  the  night 
visitor  was  one  of  a  band  of  conspirators 
who  had  arranged  to  seize  Zwingli  and  carry  him 
away.  Myconius  makes  the  rather  absurd  state- 
ment that  on  another  occasion  an  assassin  was 
seen  going  about  the  streets  with  a  long  sword 
suspended  from  his  girdle  with  which  he  purposed 
to  kill  Zwingli  if  he  met  him.  At  one  time 
Zwingli's  house  was  attacked  at  night  by  a 
drunken  mob,  and  pelted  with  stones  until  all 
the  windows  were  shattered.f  So  imminent,  in 
fact,  was  the  Reformer's  peril  that  his  friends,  un- 
known to  him,  adopted  special  measures  for  his 


*0p.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  199. 

tOs.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  X. 


ZWINGLI   AS   PASTOR   AT   ZURICH 


107 


protection.     The  Council  even  placed  guards  at 
times  about  his  residence. 

The  friends  of  the  papacy  in  face  of  apparent 
defeat  were  tireless  and  unrelenting  in  their  hos- 
tility. The  Bishop  of  Constance  published  a  man- 
date in  which,  without  mentioning  Zwingli  by 
name,  he  complained  of  speculative  persons  who 
were  guilty  of  reviving  doctrines  already  con- 
demned by  the  Church.  He  also  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  chapter  of  Zurich,  the  tenor  of  which 
was  in  general  the  same  as  the  more  formal  man- 
date. When  read  to  the  assembled  canons  all 
recognized  at  once  that  it  was  aimed  at  Zwingli. 
Zwingli  himself  so  understood  it,  and  requested 
that  the  letter  be  turned  over  to  him  that  he  might 
formulate  a  reply.  The  fruit  of  this  attempt  was 
the  Archeteles  *  (The  Beginning  and  the  End),  a 
name  applied  in  the  hope  that  this  first  formal  an- 
swer to  his  opponents  would  also  be  the  last. 
He  published  the  episcopal  letter  at  the  same 
time,  replying  to  it  sentence  by  sentence.  His 
attitude  toward  the  Bishop  throughout  the  Arche- 
teles  is  deferential  and  respectful,  not  that  of  an 
antagonist.  Nor  is  he  ironical  in  the  least, 
though  we  are  inclined  as  we  read  some  of  the 
sentences  to  entertain  a  lurking  suspicion  to  that 


*Op.  Zw.,  III.,  pp.  26-76. 


io8  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

effect.  His  purpose  was  conciliatory  as  well  as 
apologetic.  The  Archeteks  is  a  simple  and  dis- 
passionate defense  of  his  preaching.  "  I  have 
brought  all  men  to  a  knowledge  of  their  infirmi- 
ties," he  says,  "  and  have  endeavored  to  lead  them 
to  the  only  true  God,  and  to  Jesus  Christ,  his 
Son."  He  exhorts  the  Bishop  to  be  wise  and 
cautious  and  to  seek  the  guidance  of  the  Lord. 
In  one  of  the  closing  paragraphs  he  exclaims : 
"  O  fortunate  souls,  to  whom  at  last  all  good 
things  are  offered !  We  who  were  once  in  dark- 
ness are  now  brought  into  the  blazing  light  of 
God's  truth."  He  concludes  with  the  warning: 
"  When  Julius  Caesar  saw  that  he  could  not 
escape  death,  he  drew  his  garments  about  him 
that  he  might  fall  with  dignity.  Your  ceremonies 
must  fall.  See  to  it,  therefore,  that  they  fall  with 
dignity,  and  that  light  everywhere  supplants 
darkness."  * 

Thus  we  see  that  the  purpose  of  the  Bishop, 
which  was  to  stop  the  mouth  of  the  heretical 
preacher  of  Zurich,  not  only  failed,  but  resulted 
in  the  publication  of  a  work  which  actually  fos- 
tered the  movement  he  opposed.  He  now  de- 
cided to  pursue  an  entirely  different  course. 
Deputies  were  despatched  to  the  Diet  of  the  Con- 


*Op.  Zw.,  III.,  p.  69. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR    AT   ZURICH    109 

federacy,  then  in  session,  who  complained  that 
the  mandate  of  the  Bishop  forbidding  innovations 
of  doctrines  had  been  despised.  The  aid  of  the 
Diet  of  the  whole  nation  was  invoked  to  rescue 
the  ancient  faith  from  its  peril.  The  Diet,  the 
majority  of  which  were  in  sympathy  with  Rome, 
had  previously  issued  a  decree  forbidding  the 
preachers  to  depart  in  their  sermons  from  the 
recognized  doctrines  of  the  Church.  Their  re- 
sponse to  the  deputies  of  the  Bishop  was  an  ex- 
press determination  to  enforce  the  previous  de- 
cree. Urban  Weiss,  the  pastor  of  Fislispach,  was 
arrested  for  violation  of  this  enactment  and  placed 
under  bail.  The  prompt  action  of  the  Diet  gave 
new  courage  everywhere  to  the  friends  of  the 
papacy.  At  Zurich  the  monks  became  more 
bold,  and  importuned  the  Council  to  take  action 
in  harmony  with  the  Diet.  The  Council  dis- 
posed of  their  petition  by  referring  the  whole 
matter  to  a  committee,  before  whom  the  preach- 
ers and  readers  of  the  churches  were  summoned 
to  appear.  When  they  were  assembled,  the  com- 
mittee instructed  them  to  preach  nothing  that 
might  imperil  the  public  peace.  To  this  Zwingli 
frankly  and  fearlessly  refused  to  comply,  on  the 
ground  that  as  pastor  and  preacher  of  Zurich 
he  was  divinely  intrusted  with  the  care  of  souls. 
After  further  deliberation  the  committee  decided 


no  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

not  to  lay  any  restrictions  on  the  preaching  of 
the  Gospel.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  this  re- 
sult angered  still  more  the  Roman  party. 

The  sympathy  of  the  Great  Council  with  the 
Reformation  is  strikingly  seen  in  its  ordering 
Zwingli  at  this  time  to  preach  in  the  nunnery  of 
Oetenbach.*  The  inmates  of  this  institution, 
some  of  whom  belonged  to  the  leading  families  of 
Zurich,  were  by  their  confinement  utterly  cut  off 
from  all  Gospel  privileges.  Zwingli  preached  to 
them  on  the  Clearness  and  Certainty  of  the  Word 
of  God.  This  address,  which  was  afterward  pub- 
lished, sets  forth  in  the  simplest  and  most  lucid 
way  Zwingli's  attitude  toward  the  Scriptures.f 

In  July  of  this  year  there  appeared  on  the 
streets  of  Zurich  a  Franciscan  monk,  Francis 
Lambert,  preacher  of  Avignon.  Driven  from  the 
pulpit  of  his  native  city  in  consequence  of  Lu- 
theran sympathies,  he  fled  to  Bern.  Thence 
Haller,  after  kindly  receiving  him,  had  sent  him 
to  Zurich  furnished  with  a  letter  of  introduction 
to  Zwingli.f  The  Swiss  Reformer  received  him 
with  marked  cordiality  and  invited  him  to  preach. 
Lambert  delivered  four  sermons,  prevailingly 
evangelical,  but  in  the  last  sermon  he  upheld  the 


*Bullinger,  I.,  p.  77. 
tOp.  Zw.,  I.,  p.  52. 
,,  VII.,  p.  207. 


ZWINGLI  AS  PASTOR  At  ZURICH  m 

invocation  of  Mary  and  the  saints.  Zwingli  in- 
terrupted him  at  this  juncture  and,  in  a  public 
disputation,  proved  openly  from  the  Bible  that 
he  was  in  error.  The  monk,  to  the  great  surprise 
and  confusion  of  the  Roman  party,  acknowledged 
his  mistake,  and  thanking  God  for  the  light  he 
had  received,  professed  that  hereafter  he  would 
pray  to  God  alone.* 

Among  the  great  body  of  arbitrary  regulations 
imposed  by  the  Roman  Church,  none  was  more 
grievous  to  bear  or  disastrous  in  its  results  than 
the  rule  of  priestly  celibacy.^  Hitherto  men  had 
accepted  it  with  all  the  reverence  accorded  to 
divine  commandment.  Now  they  were  beginning 
to  discover  through  the  free  reading  of  the  Word, 
that  this  unnatural  interference  with  one  of  the 
fundamental  laws  of  our  being,  so  far  from  orig- 
inating in  the  will  of  God,  was  in  direct  contra- 
vention of  it — a  mere  papal  invention  designed  to 
strengthen  the  chains  of  hierarchical  domination. 
There  was  a  growing  feeling  among  the  evangel- 
ical ministers  that  the  times  were  ripe  for  throw- 
ing off  this  yoke  and  putting  an  end  to  the  gross 
abuses  and  scandals  it  had  engendered.  Xylo- 
tectus  (Joannes  Zimmermann),  a  priest  of  Lu- 
cerne and  a  friend  of  Myconius,  formerly  canon 


•Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  IX. 


ii2  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

of  the  Great  Minster  in  Zurich,  led  the  way  by 
taking  to  himself  a  wife.  Zwingli  followed  his 
example  and  married  Anna  Reinhardt,*  the  young 
widow  of  Hans  Meyer  von  Knonau,  a  woman  of 
marked  virtues  and  considerable  personal  charm. 
Her  deep  piety,  however,  was  the  grace  which 
especially  attracted  Zwingli  and  caused  him  to 
make  her  his  life  companion.  His  marriage  took 
place  early  in  the  year  1522,  and  was  announced 
only  to  his  friends.f  The  fact  was  not  made 
public  until  April,  1524.  Zwingli's  reason  for 
withholding  the  publication  of  his  marriage  for 
so  long  a  time  was  the  fear  that  the  announce- 
ment might  cripple  his  influence  with  a  certain 
class.  He  entered  into  the  marriage  state  as  an 
act  of  conscience  and  with  a  deep  sense  of  its 
sacredness.  If  he  erred,  as  some  think,  in  con- 
cealing the  fact  for  a  time  from  the  public,  the 
error  was  one  of  judgment  rather  than  of  in- 
fringement of  moral  law.  With  our  imperfect 
knowledge  of  the  problems  and  conditions  in- 
volved, it  behooves  us  to  be  very  charitable  in  the 
formation  of  an  opinion.  In  this,  as  in  other 
things,  we  must  in  simple  justice  admit  that 
Zwingli  acted  from  conscientious  motives  and 


*In  the  Zwingli  correspondence  references  to  his  marriage  are 
found:  Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  pp.  197,  210,  226,  235,  247,  253,  255. 

•\Vale  cum  uxore  quam  felicissime  et  tuis  omnibus.  Also  note. 
Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  210;  Ibid.,  p.  253. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR    AT   ZURICH     113 

with  an  eye  to  the  interests  of  the  kingdom  of 
God.* 

Zwingli  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  Reform 
party  was  now  sufficiently  numerous  and  in- 
fluential to  effect  something  by  way  of  petition. 
It  seemed  reasonable,  at  least,  to  hope  that  cer- 
tain concessions  could  thus  be  secured  from  the 
authorities  of  the  Church.  A  summons  was  ac- 
cordingly issued  to  all  the  evangelical  ministers 
to  assemble  in  convention  at  Einsiedeln.  The 
call  was  obeyed  by  a  goodly  proportion  of  the 
Reform  clergy,  and  about  the  1st  of  July  they 
found  themselves  gathered  in  the  chapel  of  the 
renowned  Abbey.  It  was  proposed  to  prepare 


*With  respect  to  Zwingli's  marriage  Merle  d'Aubigne  says 
(History  of  Reformation,  vol.  III.,  chap.  13):  "Zwingli,  when 
he  took  Anna  Reinhardt  to  wife,  did  not  make  his  marriage 
known.  This  is  undoubtedly  a  blamable  weakness  in  a  man  at 
other  times  so  resolute."  Dr.  Schaff  remarks  (History  of  the 
Christian  Church,  vol.  VII.,  p.  49):  "It  would  have  been  better 
for  his  fame  if,  as  a  minister  and  reformer,  he  had  exercised 
self-restraint  till  public  opinion  was  ripe  for  a  change."  Christof- 
fel,  on  the  other  hand,  exonerates  Zwingli  from  all  blame.  He 
says:  "  We  conceive  the  conduct  of  the  Reformer  must  be  judged 
by  the  standard  of  the  then  existing  relations  and  the  principles  of 
morality  which  he  drew  from  the  word  of  God.  Zwingli's  mar- 
riage was  on  no  occasion  brought  before  the  Church  courts,  nor 
once  made  the  subject  of  reproach  to  him  by  his  bitterest  enemies, 
who  caught  at  the  most  absurd  stories  to  vilify  him — a  proof  that 
nothing  censurable  could  be  drawn  from  it.  Zwingli  himself, 
after  Matt.  XVIII.,  regarded  offense-giving  as  a  heinous  sin. 
That  he  might  give  his  parishioners  no  offense  he  entered  into 
wedlock,  to  which  state  he  found  himself,  after  serious  examina- 
tion, appointed  by  God;  and  he  entered  it  in  a  manner  which  was 
in  accordance  with  the  moral  conceptions  of  the  times  and  the 
principles  then  generally  recognized.  When  he  felt  convinced 
that  the  public  celebration  of  his  marriage  not  only  would  give 
to  the  majority  of  his  people  no  offense,  but  would  be  regarded 
by  them  as  a  confirmation  of  the  principles  of  evangelical  preach- 
ing, he  delayed  not  an  hour  to  implement  it.  In  all  this  I  not 
only  find  no  '  censurable  weakness,'  but  the  same  wise  and  tem- 
perate regard  to  the  feelings  and  religious  development  attained 
by  his  congregation  which  he  manifested  in  the  carrying  out  of 
every  reform." — Life  of  Zwingli,  p.  123. 


ii4  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

two  petitions,  one  to  the  Bishop,  and  another  to 
the  Diet  of  the  Confederacy.  Two  things  were  de- 
manded :  First,  the  free  preaching  of  the  Gospel ; 
and  second,  the  abolition  of  compulsory  celibacy. 
From  the  general  style  of  these  petitions,  and 
other  evidence  as  well,  it  seems  probable  that 
Zwingli  was  their  author.  "  For  a  long  time," 
read  the  petition  to  the  Bishop,  "  the  heavenly 
teaching  which  God,  the  Creator  of  all,  has  mani- 
fested through  his  Son  to  the  race  lost  in  sin, 
has  been  hid  from  our  eyes  by  the  ignorance, 
not  to  say  the  iniquity,  of  a  few  men.  But  God 
has  determined  to  reestablish  it  in  its  primitive 
state.  On  our  part,  we  are  determined  to  preach 
the  Gospel  with  indefatigable  zeal."  *  The  ques- 
tion of  celibacy  next  received  attention.  The 
gross  abuses  it  had  occasioned  were  painted  in 
strong  colors  and  Scripture  texts  were  cited 
in  abundance  in  justification  of  priestly  mar- 
riages. The  petition  closed  with  a  stirring 
appeal  to  "permit  what  had  been  rashly  en- 
acted to  be  wisely  abrogated.  Behold  how 
the  world  is  threatened.  If  wisdom  does  not 
interference  order  of  the  priesthood  must  fall."f 
The  following  names  were  subscribed :  Balthasar 
Thachselus,  George  Chalyb,  Vernher  Steiner, 


*Op.  Zw.,   III.,  pp.   17-18. 
ilbid.,  p.  24. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR   AT   ZURICH     115 

Leo  Jud,  Erasmus  Fabricius,  Simon  Stumpf, 
Jodocus  Kilchmeyer,  Huldrich  Pistor,  Caspar 
Megander,  John  Faber,  Ulrich  Zwingli.  The  pe- 
tition to  the  Diet  was  more  formal  and  elaborate 
and  was  written  in  German  instead  of  Latin. 

The  convention  of  Einsiedeln,  having  accom- 
plished their  work,  disbanded  with  hearts  full  of 
hope,  having  prayerfully  committed  the  final  is- 
sue of  it  all  to  God.  Events  seemed  to  indicate, 
however,  that  they  had  little  to  expect  from  their 
labors.  The  Roman  party  was  thoroughly 
alarmed  at  the  progress  already  made  by  the  Re- 
formers. Each  day  they  were  becoming  more 
hostile.  A  crisis  seemed  imminent.  In  Zurich 
the  monks  were  especially  insolent,  and  did  ev- 
erything in  their  power  to  annoy  Zwingli.  Par- 
ticularly in  Lucerne  did  the  enmity  of  the  Roman 
party  show  itself.  Thither  Zwingli  had  des- 
patched the  petitions  of  Einsiedeln  to  Myconius 
for  circulation  among  the  friends  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. In  a  letter,  at  the  same  time,  he  advised 
Myconius  to  circulate  the  petitions  gradually 
rather  than  all  at  once,  fearing  that  their  sudden 
publication  might  unduly  antagonize  the  Roman 
party  and  terrify  friends.  Myconius,  in  his 
great  ardor  and  joy  to  perform  the  duty  in- 
trusted to  him,  failed  to  be  as  prudent  as  he 
ought.  He  circulated  the  petitions  at  once.  The 


n6  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

act  proved  untimely.  A  few  good  people  openly 
approved,  but  the  great  body  of  those  who  sym- 
pathized with  the  priests  of  Einsiedeln  refrained 
through  fear  from  any  public  expression  of  opin- 
ion.* As  for  the  enemies  of  Reform,  they  were 
thoroughly  exasperated,  and  their  violence  knew 
no  bounds.  Myconius  was  on  the  verge  of  de- 
spair. "  Our  people  are  blind  to  heavenly  things/' 
wrote  he  to  Zwingli ;  "  they  care  not  for  the 
things  which  add  to  the  glory  of  Christ."  f 
The  minds  of  the  people  were  so  filled  with  mili- 
tary affairs  that  the  thrusting  of  these  petitions 
upon  them  seemed  to  them  a  senseless  imperti- 
nence. The  French  with  their  confederate  allies 
had  been  driven  out  of  Lombardy;  and  Zurich, 
if  she  had  not  actively  aided,  had  at  least  shown 
sympathy  with  the  foe  by  sending  a  body  of 
troops  into  Italy.  The  moment  chosen  for 
launching  these  petitions  was  certainly  un- 
auspicious.  The  deputies  of  hated  Zurich  were 
the  only  members  of  the  Diet  who  manifested 
any  favor  toward  them.  The  hostility  toward 
Myconius  in  Lucerne  increased  from  day  to  day. 
The  poor  schoolmaster  and  his  family  were  fi- 
nally banished  by  a  decree  of  the  City  Council. 
In  his  desperation  he  wrote  to  his  friend  Zwingli : 


*0p.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  210. 
Mbid. 


ZWINGLI    AS    PASTOR    AT    ZURICH     117 

"  This  is  my  advice,"  Zwingli  replied,  "  that  you 
appear  before  the  Council  and  make  an  address 
worthy  of  Christ  and  yourself,  such  as  will  melt 
men's  feelings  rather  than  arouse  them.  Deny 
that  you  are  a  Lutheran,  but  confess  that  you  are 
a  Christian.  If  this  fails  do  not  despair.  Come 
to  your  friend  Zwingli  and  make  Zurich  your 
home."*  Myconius  made  his  defense  before  the 
Council,  but  to  no  avail.  He  was  compelled  to 
flee  from  his  native  city. 

The  Diet  of  the  Confederacy,  which  met  at 
Baden,  instigated  by  the  Bishop  of  Constance,  re- 
plied to  the  petition  sent  it  by  ordering  the  au- 
thorities of  the  common  bailiwicks  to  use  their 
power  to  suppress  all  priests  who  should  pre- 
sume to  speak  against  the  ancient  faith.  Urban 
Weiss,  whom  it  had  previously  placed  under  bail 
for  preaching  the  Reform  doctrines,  it  now 
caused  to  be  rearrested  and  delivered  over  to 
the  Bishop.  Thus,  in  brief,  ended  the  first  formal 
attempt  to  obtain  for  Switzerland  the  liberty  of 
the  Gospel. 

Zwingli's  lot  was  made  especially  hard  in  con- 
sequence of  the  suspicion  with  which  he  was  re- 
garded by  members  of  his  own  family.  Reports 
of  his  teaching  and  the  opposition  he  had  aroused 


*Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  217. 


n8  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

among  the  brethren  of  Zurich  and  elsewhere  had 
been  carried  to  the  old  home  in  the  valley  of  the 
Toggenburg.  A  feeling  of  dread  mingled  with 
shame  prompted  the  family  to  write  to  him.  They 
plainly  expressed  to  him  the  sorrow  which  they 
felt  and  urged  him  for  their  sake  and  his  own  not 
to  bring  reproach  upon  the  family  name.  Zwing- 
li's  reply  is  full  of  pathos  and  breathes  forth  the 
deep  genuineness  and  nobility  of  his  Christian 
character. 

Zwingli  made  a  second  visit  to  Einsiedeln  in 
the  month  of  September,  this  time  to  attend  the 
festival  of  the  Angel  Consecration.*  He  was  ac- 
companied by  his  friend,  Leo  Jud,  who,  to 
Zwingli's  intense  satisfaction,  had  lately  been 
called  to  the  pastorate  of  the  Church  of  St.  Peter 
at  Zurich.  Myconius  succeeded  Jud  at  Einsie- 
deln.f  Zwingli  preached  on  this  occasion,  but 
his  address  has  not  been  preserved.^ 


*Vide  letter  to  Myconius  under  date  of  Aug.   26,   1522.     Op. 
Zw.,  VII.,  p.   219. 


t/fetrf.,  p.  253. 

jBullinger  suggests  that  the  substance  of  his  address  at  Ein- 
siedeln may  be  learned  from  discourses  previously  delivered  by 
him.  (Reformationsgesch.,  I.,  p.  81.)  This  is  the  address  which 
D'Aubigne,  Hess,  and  Christoffel  wrongly  ascribe  to  the  period 
of  his  pastorate  at  Einsiedeln  (1516-1519). 


CHAPTER  VI. 

ZWINGLI  AT  ZURICH  FROM  1523-1526. — FROM 
THE  ZURICH  DISPUTATION  TO  THE  CONFERENCE 
OF  BADEN. 

LEO  JUD,  Zwingli's  friend,  as  we  have  already 
had  occasion  to  note,  had  become  pastor  of 
the  Church  of  St.  Peter  in  Zurich.  One  day, 
as  an  Augustinian  monk  was  preaching  with 
much  force  to  a  congregation  on  the  efficacy  of 
good  works,  Jud,  who  was  sitting  in  the  audience, 
felt  called  upon  to  protest  against  the  teaching  of 
such  error,  and  accordingly  did  so  in  a  kindly  and 
dignified  manner.  But  notwithstanding  his  effort 
not  to  offend,  the  interference  angered  a  certain 
few,  and  precipitated  an  unseemly  disturbance. 
Zwingli  had  for  some  time  cherished  the  belief 
that  a  public  presentation  and  defense  of  the  Re- 
form doctrines  would  greatly  aid  the  cause  of  the 
Gospel.  As  the  leader  of  the  movement,  he  de- 
sired to  clear  himself  personally  of  the  aspersions 
which  the  Romish  party  had  heaped  upon  him. 
He  felt  that  much  of  their  hatred  of  him  would 
vanish  if  both  he  and  his  cause  were  better  un- 
derstood by  the  people.  Accordingly,  this  attack 


120  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

upon  his  friend  was  the  immediate  occasion  of 
his  petitioning  the  Great  Council  to  grant  him 
permission  to  explain  and  defend  his  doctrine 
in  the  presence  of  the  people  and  the  representa- 
tives of  church  and  state.  His  plea  was  granted, 
and  the  2Qth  day  of  January,  1523,  fixed  upon  as 
the  day  for  the  conference.  Zwingli  prepared 
for  the  coming  event  by  drafting  sixty-seven 
Articles,  or  Schhissreden,  which  were  designed  to 
serve  as  the  basis  of  the  discussion.  In  these 
Articles  he  maintains  the  supremacy  of  the  Word 
of  God  and  the  all  sufficiency  of  the  atoning  work 
of  Christ.  He  rejects  the  papacy,  priestly  media- 
tion, the  mass,  and  good  works  as  contrary  to 
Holy  Scripture.  The  following  are  a  number  of 
the  more  important  of  these  Articles  : 

1.  All  who  say  that  the  Gospel  is  nothing  un- 
less approved  by  the  Church  err,  and  blaspheme 
God. 

2.  The  sum  of  the  Gospel  is  that  Christ,  the 
Son  of  God,  has  revealed  to  us  the  will  of  his 
heavenly  Father,  and  by  his  innocence  has  re- 
deemed us  from  eternal  death  and  reconciled  us 
to  God. 

3.  Therefore  it  follows  that  Christ  is  the  only 
way  of  salvation  to  all  who  were,  are,  or  shall  be. 

4.  Whoever  seeks  or  shows  another  door  errs, 
and  is  even  a  murderer  of  souls  and  a  robber. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH—  1523-1526         121 

5.  Whoever  makes  other  doctrines  equal  or 
superior  to  the  Gospel  errs,  and  knows  not  the 
Gospel. 

7.  Christ  is  the  head  of  all  believers,  whose 
body  they  are,  and  without  Him  the  body  is 
powerless  and  dead. 

8.  Therefore   it  follows   that  all   who  live   in 
this  Head  are  members  and  sons  of  God.    This 
is  the  communion  of  saints,  the  bride  of  Christ, 
the  catholic  church. 

15.  He  that  believes  the  Gospel  shall  be  saved; 
he  that  believes  not  shall  be  condemned,  for  in 
the  Gospel  the  whole  truth  is  clearly  set  forth. 

16.  The  Gospel  teaches  us  that  the  doctrines 
and  traditions  of  men  are  nothing,  and  useless  as 
respects  salvation. 

17.  Christ,  who  offered  himself  once  on  the 
cross,  is  the  sufficient  and  eternal  sacrifice  for 
the  sins  of  all  believers.     Hence  it  follows  that 
the  mass  is  no  sacrifice,  but  a  commemoration 
of  the  sacrifice  once  offered  on  the  cross,  a  seal 
of  redemption  through  Christ. 

19.  Christ  is  the  only  Mediator  between  God 
and  us. 

24.  Christians  are  not  bound  to  perform  works 
which  Christ  has  not  commanded. 

27.  All  Christians  are  brethren  of  Christ  and 


or  THE 
I    UNIVERSITY  ) 


122  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

of  one  another.  Therefore  they  ought  not  to  call 
any  Father  upon  earth. 

28.  Whatever  God  permits  is  right.  There- 
fore marriage  is  equally  becoming  among  all 
men. 

34.  Pope  and  bishops,  or  the  so-called  spiritual 
powers,  have  no  foundation  in  the  Sacred  Scrip- 
tures and  the  teachings  of  Christ. 

50.  God  alone  forgives  sins  through  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord. 

57.  The  Holy  Scriptures  know  nothing  of  pur- 
gatory after  this  life.* 

On  the  day  appointed  for  the  discussion  up- 
ward of  six  hundred  people  from  all  classes  came 
together  in  the  Town  Hall,  the  assembly  place 
of  the  Great  Council.  Faber,  the  vicar-general  of 
the  diocese,  and  several  other  doctors  were  pres- 
ent, as  representatives  of  the  Bishop.  None  of 
the  cantons  except  Schaffhausen  sent  deputies.f 
Zwingli  took  his  position  at  a  table  in  the  midst 
of  the  room,  and  before  him  lay  the  open  Bible. 
Burgomaster  Roust  called  the  assembly  to  order 
and  made  a  brief  speech,  setting  forth  the  reasons 
which  led  to  the  calling  of  the  meeting.  As  soon 
as  the  meeting  was  declared  open  for  discussion, 


*Op.  Zw.,  I.,  pp.  153-157;  Schaff,  Creeds  of  Christendom,  III., 
pp.  197-207. 

tThe  Federal  Diet,  then  in  session  at  Baden,  had  been  invited 
to  send  a  delegation,  but  it  ignored  the  request. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        123 

Zwingli  arose  and  challenged  any  who  had 
spoken  against  him  publicly  and  denounced  him 
as  a  heretic  to  speak.  Faber,  who  knew  that  this 
challenge  was  meant  for  him,  arose  and  with  some 
confusion  replied  that  he  had  been  sent  not  to 
dispute,  but  to  learn  why  there  were  so  many 
differences  of  opinion  about  religion  in  the  canton, 
and  suggested  that,  as  the  Diet  of  Nuremburg 
had  promised  a  council  soon,  the  questions  in  dis- 
pute be  left  for  settlement  until  that  time.  When 
it  seemed  unlikely  that  any  one  would  accept  his 
challenge,  Zwingli  addressed  the  assembly  in  his 
own  behalf,  denying  the  right  of  any  to  call  him 
a  heretic  and  declaring  that  he  was  ready  to 
defend  his  doctrine  against  all  comers.  An  awk- 
ward pause  followed  this  speech.  As  no  one 
seemed  ready  to  reply,  the  burgomaster  ad- 
journed the  meeting  until  the  afternoon.  When 
the  Council  convened  again  a  paper  was  read 
embodying  their  decision,  i.e.,  "  that  Master  Ul- 
rich  Zwingli  continue  to  proclaim  the  Holy  Gos- 
pel as  long  and  as  often  as  he  will  until  some- 
thing better  is  made  known  to  him.  Further- 
more, all  priests,  curates,  and  preachers  in  cities, 
cantons  arid  dependencies,  shall  undertake  and 
preach  nothing  but  what  can  be  proved  by  the 
Holy  Gospel  and  the  Scriptures;  furthermore, 


124  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

tliey  shall  not  in  future  slander,  insult,  or  call 
each  other  heretics."  * 

Zwingli  could  scarce  restrain  himself  for  joy 
at  the  announcement  of  this  decision.  His 
opponents  had  suffered  a  great  humiliation. 
They  were  surprised  and  thoroughly  abashed, 
and  the  feeling  grew  that  immediate  steps  must 
be  taken  to  check  the  tide  of  reform  or  the  en- 
tire Confederacy  would  soon  be  swept  by  it. 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  Pope's  attitude 
toward  Switzerland  and  the  reform  movement 
there  in  progress  was  entirely  different  from  that 
manifested  toward  Luther  and  his  work  in  Ger- 
many. The  Pope  was  greatly  in  need  of  the 
Swiss  in  consequence  of  his  wars  and  intrigues 
for  the  extension  and  maintenance  of  his  author- 
ity. Thus  we  find  at  this  crisis  that,  instead  of 
attempting  to  terrorize  Zwingli  by  his  threats 
and  anathemas,  as  so  often  he  had  attempted  to 
terrorize  Luther,  he  sent  to  him  his  nuncio  En- 
nius,  as  bearer  of  the  following  letter :  f 

"  POPE  ADRIAN  VI.,  to  his  dear  son,  salu- 
tations and  the  Apostolical  benediction:  We 
send  our  revered  brother  Ennius,  Bishop  of 
Verulam,  our  private  prelate,  and  Nuncio  of  the 

*Op.  Zw.,  I.,  pp.   114-153. 

\Ibid.,   VII.,  p.  266;  Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  OUtu  Zw.,  IX. 


ZWINGLI    AT   ZURICH— 1523-1526        125 

Apostolic  See,  a  man  eminent  for  prudence  and 
fidelity,  to  that  invincible  nation  most  closely 
bound  to  us  and  to  the  Holy  See,  in  order  that 
he  may  treat  with  it  respecting  matters  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  us  and  the  Holy  See,  and 
to  the  entire  Christian  commonwealth  connected 
therewith.  Moreover,  although  we  have  given 
him  instructions  to  conduct  our  affairs  with  your 
nation  publicly,  yet  because  we  have  a  sure 
knowledge  of  your  distinguished  merits  and 
highly  prize  your  loyalty  and  devotion,  and  also 
place  great  confidence  in  your  honesty,  we  have 
ordered  this  same  Bishop,  our  Nuncio,  to  hand 
over  to  you  our  private  letter,  and  to  declare  our 
greatest  affection  for  you.  We  exhort  your  de- 
votion in  the  Lord ;  that  you  have  all  confidence 
in  Him ;  that  with  the  same  disposition  in  which 
we  have  ministered  to  your  honor  and  profit,  you 
bestir  yourself  also  in  our  affairs  and  in  those  of 
the  Apostolic  See.  For  this  you  will  find  us 
most  truly  grateful. 

"  Given  in  Rome  at  St.  Peter's,  January  23, 
1523,  the  first  year  of  our  pontificate." 

Myconius  records  that  the  Pope  urged  Francis 
Zink,  the  papal  chaplain  of  the  monastery  at 
Einsiedeln,  to  endeavor  to  gain  ovef  Zwingli. 
When  Myconius  inquired  of  Zink  what  the  Pope 


126  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

had  authorized  him  to  offer  as  an  inducement,  he 
replied,  "  Everything  except  the  papal  chair."  * 
Rome  would  gladly  have  paid  any  price  to  gain 
Zwingli  as  an  advocate  and  defender,  but  un- 
fortunately for  her,  the  inducements  which  she 
held  out  served  only  to  alienate  the  more  his  af- 
fections. In  his  doctrinal  views  he  found  that 
every  day  he  was  getting  farther  and  farther  away 
from  the  accepted  standards  of  the  Church.  And 
when  in  addition  he  contemplated  the  ethics  of 
her  administration,  and  the  immorality  of  her 
favorite  representatives,  his  repugnance  for  her 
became  greater  even  than  Luther's. 

An  immediate  result  of  the  success  of  the  Zu- 
rich Reformers  was  to  embitter  still  more  the 
feelings  of  the  Romish  party.  At  Lucerne  their 
hostility  manifested  itself  in  deeds  of  public  vio- 
lence. Zwingli  was  dragged  in  effigy  to  a  scaf- 
fold and  executed  for  heresy.  A  number  of  Zu- 
richers  who  happened  to  be  in  Lucerne  at  the 
time  were  seized  and  roughly  handled  by  a  mob. 
Zwingli  when  told  of  this  disgraceful  occurrence 
expressed  confidence  that  Christ  would  never  de- 
sert his  followers.f 

No  sooner  was  the  Zurich  disputation  over 
than  Zwingli  undertook  the  preparation  of  an 


*Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  X. 
tOp.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  278. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526         127 

elaborate  commentary  on  the  sixty-seven  Arti- 
cles which  he  had  drafted  as  grounds  of  debate 
for  that  meeting.  The  work  progressed  slowly, 
and  not  until  the  middle  of  July  was  it  com- 
pleted. As  this  work  was  intended  for  the  people, 
it  was  written  in  the  vernacular,  and  in  style  and 
contents  it  was  admirably  suited  to  its  purpose.  It 
bears  the  title :  Exposition  and  Proof  of  the  Con- 
clusions or  Articles* 

In  Zurich  the  advantage  gained  by  the  Re- 
formers in  the  disputation  bore  immediate  fruit. 
The  Council  decreed  a  series  of  radical  reforms 
in  the  administration  and  worship  of  the  Great 
Minster.  It  was  enacted  that  all  the  clergy  of 
the  Minster  should  preach  the  word  of  God ;  that 
the  Bible  should  be  read  and  explained  daily  in 
three  languages — Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin; 
that  greater  attention  should  be  paid  to  educa- 
tion, and  that  candidates  for  the  ministry  should 
be  thoroughly  trained ;  that  the  number  of  priests 
supported  by  the  Great  Minster  should  be  grad- 
ually reduced,  and  that  all  holders  of  benefices 
should  be  required  to  perform  parish  duties ;  that 
the  use  of  candles  at  burials  was  not  obligatory; 
that  henceforth  fees  should  not  be  charged  for 
baptisms,  masses,  or  burials  without  monuments ; 


*Op.  Zw.,  I.,  pp.  169-424. 


128  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

and  that  all  surplus  funds  in  the  Minster  treasury 
should  be  distributed  to  the  poor  under  direction 
of  a  committee  appointed  for  that  purpose.* 

In  September  of  this  year  (1523)  Zwingli  pre- 
pared a  treatise  on  The  Canon  of  the  Mass, 
which  contains  the  first  formal  statement  of  his 
doctrinal  views  respecting  the  Lord's  Supper. 
Although  as  a  priest  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  he  still  continued  to  celebrate  mass  ac- 
cording to  the  ancient  usages,  he  had,  as  clearly 
appears  from  this  writing,  already  arrived  at 
those  radical  views  respecting  the  words  of  in- 
stitution which  constitute  the  distinguishing 
feature  of  his  theology.f 

As  a  reformer  Zwingli  was  careful  not  to  prej- 
udice his  cause  by  hasty  and  ill-considered  acts. 
Caution  and  deliberation  mark  every  step  of  his 
course.  In  the  introduction  of  changes  in  public 
worship  he  moved  no  faster  than  public  senti- 
ment would  safely  allow.  He  labored  zealously 
to  inculcate  in  the  minds  and  hearts  of  his  hear- 
ers a  love  and  veneration  for  God's  Word  as  the 
supreme  authority  over  against  the  man-imposed 
authority  of  the  Church.  As  soon  as  he  felt  that 
the  people  had  been  educated  to  a  point  where 
the  majority  desired  the  changes  which  he  advo- 


*Bullinger,  I.,  pp.   115-119. 
tOp.   Zw.,  III.,  pp.   83-116. 


ZWINGLI    AT   ZURICH— 1523-1526        129 

cated,  he  proceeded  at  once  to  attempt  the  actual 
realization  of  his  reform  ideas  by  submitting 
them  to  the  verdict  of  the  people's  representatives 
— the  members  of  the  Great  Council. 

It  was  inevitable,  however,  that  among  the 
great  mass  of  his  hearers  there  should  be  here 
and  there  those  who,  eagerly  laying  hold  of  his 
reformatory  ideas  and  sharing  his  enthusiasm, 
should  at  the  same  time  lack  entirely  his  pru- 
dence and  moderation.  Zwingli  was  not  free  from 
the  burden  of  overzealous  and  fanatical  followers, 
and  the  various  other  perils  incident  to  radical  re- 
form. Among  the  abuses  of  the  Church  which  he 
especially  attacked  at  this  time  was  the  idolatrous 
use  made  of  the  images  of  the  Virgin  Mary  and 
the  saints.  He  taught  that  because  of  this  abuse 
all  images  should  be  removed  from  the  churches. 
Nevertheless  he  made  no  attempt  to  remove  them, 
and  favored  waiting  for  their  orderly  removal 
under  sanction  of  the  civil  authority.  At  this 
juncture  the  untimely  publication  of  a  little  work 
entitled  The  Judgment  of  God  Against  Images, 
by  a  young  priest  named  Ludwig  Hetzer, 
led  to  results  which  for  a  time  threatened 
serious  injury  to  the  Reform  cause.  Hetzer's 
vigorous  treatment  of  this  abuse  aroused  certain  of 
the  more  ardent  reformers  to  fever  heat,  and  pre- 
cipitated various  acts  of  indiscretion.  Klaus  Hot- 


130  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

tinger,  a  pious  shoemaker,  at  the  head  of  a  band 
of  like-minded  citizens  went  to  Stadelhofen,  just 
outside  the  gates  of  the  city,  tore  clown  and 
destroyed  a  great  wooden  crucifix  and  com- 
mitted other  depredations  of  like  nature.*  The 
Romanists  raised  the  cry  of  sacrilege  and  invoked 
death  for  the  offenders.  Zwingli  was  thus  forced 
at  this  inopportune  moment  to  define  his  posi- 
tion with  respect  to  images.  He  deprecated  the 
violence  o-f  Hottinger  and  his  colleagues  and  de- 
clared that  they  ought  to  be  punished  for  having 
acted  without  the  sanction  of  the  civil  authority, 
but  maintained,  on  the  other  hand,  that  they  were 
not  guilty  of  sacrilege  in  the  sight  of  God  nor 
worthy  of  death. 

These  excesses,  much  as  Zwingli  deplored 
them,  were  used  in  the  providence  of  God  for  the 
furtherance  of  the  Gospel  cause.  The  city  and 
can-tonal  authority  decided  that  the  situation  re- 
quired that  something  be  done,  and  accordingly 
appointed  a  committee,  composed  of  four  mem- 
bers each  from  the  Great  and  the  Small  Councils 
together  with  the  three  parish  priests,  charged 
with  the  duty  of  making  a  thorough  study  of  the 
general  subject  of  images  in  the  light  of  Holy 
Scripture,  the  same  to  report  to  the  Great  Coun- 


*Egli,  pp.    176,   178. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523  1526        131 

cil.  Without  waiting  for  the  committee's  report 
the  Council  summoned  all  the  clergy  of  the  can- 
ton to  meet  for  public  discussion  on  October  26, 
1523,  to  decide  if  possible  what  ought  to  be  done 
respecting  images  and  the  mass.  Invitations  to 
attend  were  sent  to  the  bishops  of  Coire,  Con- 
stance, and  Basel,  and  twelve  other  cantons  and 
the  University  of  Basel  were  requested  to  send 
delegates.*  The  Bishop  of  Constance  excused 
himself,  on  the  ground  that  acceptance  of  the  in- 
vitation would  render  him  amenable  to  his  su- 
periors, and  at  the  same  time  advised  that  the 
subject  be  left  to  a  general  council.  The  Bishop 
of  Basel  pleaded  advanced  age  and  sickness.  The 
Bishop  of  Coire  made  no  reply.  All  the  cantons 
except  two,  Schaffhausen  and  St.  Gall,  declined 
to  send  delegations.  Of  the  Catholic  cantons,  Lu- 
cerne replied  in  substance,  that  since  they  were 
abundantly  able  to  settle  their  strife  if  they  would, 
they  need  expect  no  help  from  them.  Unter- 
walden's  letter  of  refusal  was  sarcastic  and  abu- 
sive, f  As  on  the  previous  occasion,  the  disputa- 
tion was  held  in  the  Town  Hall.  It  was  agreed 
that  all  discussions  should  be  carried  on  in  the 
German  vernacular,  and  that  the  Word  of  God 
should  be  regarded  as  the  final  standard  of  au- 


*Op.  Zw.,  I.,  p.  543- 
Mbid.,  p.  460. 


I3a  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

thority.  Doctors  Vadian  and  Schappeler  were 
present  as  delegates  from  St.  Gall.  Sebastian 
Hofmeister  represented  Schaffhausen.  More 
than  nine  hundred  persons,  delegates  and  at-, 
tendants,  were  present  when  the  meeting  opened. 
Zwingli  and  his  friend,  Leo  Jud,  occupied  con- 
spicuous positions  in  the  assembly  as  the  cham- 
pions of  Reform.  Together  they  defended  the 
proposition :  "  Images  are  forbidden  by  God  in 
the  Holy  Scriptures.  Therefore  among  Chris- 
tians images  ought  not  to  be  made  or  adored,  but 
to  be  done  away  with."  *  Leo  Jud  presented  an 
elaborate  array  of  Scripture  proof  texts  in  sup- 
port of  this  thesis.  Few  opponents  of  the  Ref- 
ormation were  present,  and  those  who  were  pres- 
ent were  not  in  a  position  to  quote  Scripture  in 
refutation  of  Jud's  arguments.  The  Romanists 
attempted  no  defense  from  Scripture,  but  con- 
tented themselves  with  presenting  general  ob- 
jections, as,  e.g.,  the  injury  which  a  removal  of 
images  might  do  to  the  weak  in  faith.  The  first 
day's  session  was  a  victory  for  the  Reform  party, 
and  closed  with  the  best  of  feeling  on  the  part  of 
all.  The  assembly  met  again  the  next  day  to 
consider  the  doctrine  of  the  mass.  "  Far  from  us 
be  the  thought,"  said  Zwingli,  "  that  there  is  any 


*Bullinger,  I.,  p.  131. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        133 

deception  or  falsehood  in  the  body  and  blood 
of  Christ.*  Our  aim  is  simply  to  show  that  the 
mass  is  not  a  sacrifice  that  one  man  can  offer  up 
*  to  God  for  another/'  Dr.  Vadian,  who  was  pre- 
siding, invited  any  who  desired  to  defend  from 
Scripture  the  doctrine  of  the  mass  to  come  for- 
ward. There  being  no  response,  all  declared  that 
they  agreed  with  Zwingli.  On  the  morning  of 
the  third  day's  session  Zwingli  preached  to  the 
assembled  delegates.  The  discourse  which  he 
delivered  on  this  occasion  was  subsequently  pub- 
lished in  expanded  form  under  title  of  The 
Shepherd.^ 

At  the  close  of  the  disputation  the  Council 
appointed  a  committee  of  eight  to  consult  with 
the  parish  priests  of  the  city  and  a  few  other 
priests  from  the  surrounding  towns  "  to  discover 
some  plan  by  which  to  advance  the  work  of 
Christ."  This  committee  asked  Zwingli  to  pre- 
pare a  tractate  for  distribution  among  the  clergy 
of  the  canton,  the  purpose  of  which  clearly  ap- 
pears from  its  title :  A  brief  Christian  intro- 
duction which  the  Council  and  city  of  Zurich  has 
sent  to  the  pastors  and  preachers  of  its  cities,  and 
all  places  under  its  authority,  so  that  they  may 
henceforth  declare  and  preach  the  true  Gospel  to 


*Op.  Zw.,  I.,  p.  498. 
t/to/.,pp.  631-668. 


134  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

their  subjects*  Zwingli  wrote  this  work  with 
such  despatch  that  the  printed  copies  were  ready 
for  distribution  by  the  middle  of  November. 

The  immediate  effect  of  the  second  disputation 
upon  the  Church  in  Switzerland  was  very 
marked.  Many  priests  who  were  in  attendance 
returned  to  their  respective  places  filled  with  zeal 
for  the  new  doctrines  to  which  they  had  listened. 
The  church  of  Zurich  now  felt  herself  emanci- 
pated from  the  control  of  the  Bishop  of  Con- 
stance. The  Word  of  God  was  looked  up  to  as 
the  only  authoritative  standard  of  doctrine  and 
discipline,  the  interpretation  and  enforcement  of 
which  was  felt  to  rest  with  the  congregation,  or 
their  representatives,  instead  of  with  the  Church. 

Zwingli  did  not  allow  himself  to  be  unduly 
elated  over  so  signal  a  victory.  He  proceeded 
with  great  moderation.  "  God  knows,"  said  he, 
"  that  I  am  inclined  to  build  up  and  not  tear 
down.  I  am  aware  that  there  are  timid  souls  who 
ought  to  be  conciliated ;  let  the  mass,  therefore, 
for  some  time  longer  be  read  in  all  the  churches, 
and  let  us  avoid  insulting  the  priests  who  cele- 
brate it."  In  the  chapter  of  the  Great  Minster 
there  was  a  division  of  opinion  concerning  the 
mass.  An  appeal  was  made  to  the  Council,  and 


*Op.  Zw.,  i.f  pp.  541-565. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        135 

that  body  referred  the  subject  for  final  decision 
to  the  parish  priests — Zwingli,  Engelhardt,  and 
Jud.  Their  decision,  as  was  to  be  expected,  was 
wholly  in  favor  of  reform,*  but  the  Council  sub- 
sequently manifested  an  unwillingness  to  enter- 
tain any  changes  further  than  to  allow  the  pastors 
of  Zurich  to  celebrate  the  Eucharist  in  their  own 
parishes  according  to  either  the  old  or  the  new 
form.  On  December  19  the  Council  invited  the 
clergy  of  the  city  to  appear  before  them  nine 
days  later  for  a  public  disputation  on  all  matters 
under  dispute.  At  this  conference  nothing  was 
done,  and  an  adjournment  was  taken  until  Jan- 
uary 19,  1524.  In  the  meantime  the  Council  had 
banished  from  the  canton  Hottinger,  the  icono- 
clast of  Stadelhofen,  and  forbidden  him  to  return 
without  their  permission. 

About  this  time  Zwingli  was  cheered  by  the 
return  to  Zurich  of  his  friend  Myconius.  The 
worthy  schoolmaster  and  reformer  after  his  ban- 
ishment from  Lucerne  had  found  refuge  in  Ein- 
siedeln,  and  during  his  stay  there  he  and  Ger- 
oldseck,  the  administrator  of  the  Abbey,  became 
intimate  friends.  Myconius  hailed  with  joy  the 
first  opportunity  to  be  near  Zwingli,  and  entered 
with  zest  upon  his  duties  as  teacher  of  the  classics 


*Op.  Zw.,  I.,  pp.  566-568. 


136  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

and  expounder  of  the  New  Testament  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Frau  Miinster. 

On  January  19  the  representatives  of  the  Old 
and  the  New  Faiths  met  once  more  in  the  hope 
of  effecting  an  amicable  settlement  of  their  doc- 
trinal differences.  Canon  Hoffman,  the  leader 
of  the  opposition,  failed,  however,  to  convince  the 
assembly  of  the  Scripturalness  of  the  ancient 
usages,  and  therefore  it  was  enacted  that  the 
previous  orders  of  the  Council  should  be  obeyed.* 

At  the  Diet  of  Lucerne,  which  met  early  in 
1524,  a  vigorous  effort  was  made  to  unite  the 
Roman  forces  in  a  concerted  movement  to  with- 
stand the  alarming  advances  that  were  being 
made  by  the  friends  of  the  Reformation.  Frei- 
burg and  the  Forest  Cantons  readily  fell  into 
line.  Schaffhausen  inclined  toward  the  Gospel, 
and  Zurich  stood  out  boldly  for  it.  Bern,  Basel, 
Glarus,  Appenzell,  and  Solothurn  were  wavering 
and  undecided.  So  urgent  were  the  demands  of 
Rome  upon  the  chief  assembly,  however,  that 
finally  a  decree  was  passed  forbiddng  the  preach- 
ing or  repeating  of  any  new  or  Lutheran  doc- 
trine in  public  or  private.  This  decree  was  sent 
to  all  the  bailiffs  with  orders  for  its  strict  en- 
forcement. Before  the  Diet  adjourned  a  direct 


*Bullinger,  I.,  pp.   139-142. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526-       137 

attempt  was  made  to  induce  Zurich  to  renounce 
the  stand  which  she  had  taken.  A  deputation 
was  sent  to  plead  with  the  Council  and  the  citi- 
zens to  return  to  the  fold  of  the  Church.  This 
deputation  made  its  appearance  in  the  city  in 
March,  and  although  it  strove  earnestly  to  induce 
Zurich  to  dismiss  Zwingli  and  his  fellow  pastors 
and  to  unite  for  the  defense  of  the  Romish  faith, 
all  its  pleading  was  in  vain.  Zurich  boldly  an- 
nounced that  no  concessions  would  be  made  in 
matters  affecting  the  Word  of  God.  So  far  from 
acceding  to  the  demands  of  Rome,  the  Council 
of  Zurich,  acting  on  the  advice  of  the  city  pastors, 
now  actively  set  about  the  prosecution  of  certain 
outward  reforms.  The  annual  processions  to 
Einsiedeln  were  prohibited,  relics  were  interred, 
and  images  removed  from  all  the  churches  of  the 
city,  their  ornaments  being  sold  for  the  benefit 
of  the  poor.  A  committee  consisting  of  the 
three  pastors,  twelve  members  of  the  Council, 
the  city  architect,  smiths,  carpenters,  and  masons, 
visited  the  churches  and  removed  all  articles  of 
superstitious  veneration.  Even  the  organs  were 
taken  down,  and  the  frescoes  on  the  walls  covered 
with  a  coating  of  lime.  Nothing  was  left  but  the 
bare  interior  and  such  furniture  as  was  neces- 
sary. In  all  this  we  cannot  help  noticing  the 
marked  difference  between  the  German  and  the 


I38  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Swiss  Reformations.  Luther  was  in  no  sense  an 
iconoclast.  A  mystic  in  his  mode  of  thinking, 
with  a  deep  veneration  for  established  forms  and 
usages,  the  symbolic  ritualism  of  the  Roman 
Church  cast  a  spell  over  his  soul.  The  doctrine 
of  good  works  had  obscured  to  men  the  freedom 
of  divine  grace  and  the  Gospel  offer  of  justifica- 
tion by  faith  alone.  The  fiery  trial  through  which 
Luther  passed  clarified  his  mind  forever  to  this 
great  truth,  and  so  precious  did  it  become  to 
him  that  he  magnified  it  above  all  else,  and 
preached  and  defended  it  with  all  the  power  and 
assertiveness  of  his  masterful  personality. 
Zwingli,  as  we  have  elsewhere  mentioned,  held 
as  firmly  as  did  Luther  to  the  doctrine  of  justi- 
fication by  faith  alone,  but  he  was  not  so  dom- 
inated by  any  one  truth,  however  important,  that 
his  eyes  were  holden  to  the  large  admixture 
of  Greek  paganism  which  permeated  the  Church. 
Luther  aimed  at  a  doctrinal  purification  of  the 
Church;  Zwingli  at  its  reorganization  on  primi- 
tive lines,  in  accordance  with  the  Word  of  God. 
In  July  the  Diet  of  the  Confederacy  met  at 
Zug,  and  in  obedience  to  the  solicitations  of  the 
Pope,  a  second  deputation  was  sent  to  the  Re- 
form canton  to  warn  it  of  the  resolute  determina- 
tion of  the  Diet  to  enforce  the  previous  mandate 
and  stifle  the  new  doctrine.  The  adherents  of 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526         139 

i 

Reform  were  threatened  with  forfeiture  of  goods, 
and  of  their  lives  even,  if  they  presumed  to  violate 
the  Diet's  decree.  Confronted  with  this  stern  an- 
nouncement, the  Zurichers  replied  with  calm 
bravery  that  in  matters  of  faith  they  would  obey 
the  Word  of  God  alone.  A  crisis  had  been 
reached  in  the  conflict.  Zurich  was  compelled  to 
choose  between  the  Gospel  and  Rome,  and  her 
bold  reply  to  the  deputation  of  the  Confederacy 
determined,  in  large  measure,  the  subsequent  his- 
tory of  the  Christian  Church  in  Switzerland.  It 
was  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  rupture  be- 
tween Protestant  Zurich  and  her  allies  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  Catholic  cantons  of  Lucerne, 
Schwyz,  Uri,  Unterwalden,  Freiburg,  and  Zug 
on  the  other.  These  states  refused  to  sit  here- 
after in  diet  with  Zurich.  Thus  was  the  breach 
first  made,  and  the  way  prepared  for  the  civil 
war  that  speedily  followed.  The  high-handed 
seizure  of  the  pastor  of  Burg,  an  evangelical 
preacher  and  friend  of  Zwingli,  and  the  subse- 
quent apprehension  of  bailiff  Wirth  and  his 
sons,  charged  by  the  Catholic  cantons  with  com- 
plicity in  the  burning  of  the  Carthusian  monas- 
tery of  Ittingen,  their  torture  and  execution,  did 
much  to  intensify  the  bitterness  of  feeling  and 
render  more  perilous  the  situation. 

In  the  midst  of  such  threatening  conditions 


140  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

we  would  naturally  look  for  concessions  on  the 
part  of  the  Reformers,  and  we  are  surprised  to 
learn  that  instead  of  tempering  their  course  to 
the  demands  of  Rome,  they  set  about  a  work 
still  more  radical  than  any  yet  attempted. 
Images,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  suppressed 
and  the  churches  stripped  of  everything  that 
might  tempt  the  heart  to  idolatry.  A  still  greater 
and  more  fundamental  abuse  remained  to  be  put 
away — the  mass.  In  the  disputation  of  October, 
1523,  Zwingli  and  his  colleagues  had  proved  its 
unscripturalness  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Coun- 
cil, but  for  fear  of  offending  weak  consciences, 
and  with  that  admirable  caution  which  character- 
ized all  his  acts,  Zwingli  advised  that  the  priests 
continue  to  read  mass  until  the  people  were  suf- 
ficiently educated  for  the  change.  The  time  now 
seemed  ripe  and  the  occasion  opportune.  On 
the  nth  day  of  April,  1525,  the  three  pastors  of 
Zurich  presented  themselves  before  the  Great 
Council,  and  asked  for  the  re-establishment  of 
the  Lord's  Supper  as  described  in  the  Gospels. 
The  assembly  manifested  both  surprise  and 
alarm,  and  the  more  conservative  stoutly  op- 
posed the  abolition  of  the  most  venerable  and 
fundamental  institution  of  the  Church.  It  was 
argued  that  the  words,  "This  is  my  body," 
proved  beyond  a  doubt  that  the  bread  was  really 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        141 

and  truly  the  body  of  Christ.  Zwingli  main- 
tained that  the  verb  c  <r  r  I  in  this,  as  in  other 
instances  in  the  New  Testament,  e.g.,  John  6 150, 
means  signifies.  So  clearly  and  forcibly  did  he 
argue  that  he  thoroughly  convinced  the  Council, 
and  forthwith  they  decreed  that  the  mass  should 
be  abolished,  and  that  on  Holy  Thursday,  April 
13,  the  Lord's  Supper  should  be  celebrated  in- 
stead, according  to  the  usages  of  the  primitive 
Church.*  Accordingly,  when  Thursday  came  the 
altars  of  the  churches  were  supplanted  by  plain 
tables.  The  pastors  read  the  words  of  Scripture 
relating  to  the  institution  of  the  Supper,  and 
followed  the  reading  with  solemn  and  earnest 
words  of  exhortation  to  holiness  and  consecra- 
tion of  life  as  a  preparation  to  the  worthy  use  of 
the  sacrament.  The  communicants  then  seated 
themselves  at  the  table,  and  the  bread  and  wine 
were  offered  to  each  in  silence  and  with  the  ut- 
most simplicity.  In  the  Great  Minster,  Zwingli 
preached  a  sermon,  and  made  use  of  a  liturgy 
arranged  and  translated  into  the  vernacular  from 
the  mass  service  of  the  Church.f 

Burdened  as  Zwingli  was  with  the  cares  of 
his  parish  and  the  administration  of  the  church, 
he  nevertheless  found  time  for  work  of  the  most 


*Op.  Zw.,  II.,  pp.  2,  232. 
pp.  235-242. 


I42  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

scholarly  nature.  In  March  of  this  year  he  dedi- 
cated to  Francis  I.,  of  France,  an  elaborate  and 
most  carefully  prepared  treatise  entitled:  A 
Commentary  an  the  True  and  False  Religion* 
This  work  is  in  reality  a  treatise  on  systematic 
theology.  God,  man,  providence,  law,  sin,  the 
Church,  the  sacraments,  marriage,  baptism,  vows, 
government,  and  purgatory,  are  some  of  the  sub- 
jects treated.  In  his  treatment  of  sin  he  care- 
fully discriminates  between  original  sin  and  sin 
which  is  the  voluntary  transgression  of  the  law. 
"  Sin,"  he  says,  "  according  to  Gospel  teaching, 
is  of  a  twofold  nature.  First,  it  is  that  disease 
which  we  contract  by  the  law  of  heredity,  and 
which  Paul  recognized  when  he  said  (Rom.  7  -.20)  : 
'  It  is  no  more  I  that  do  it,  but  sin  that  dwelleth 
in  me.'  Secondly,  sin  is  that  which  is  contrary 
to  the  law;  so  that  through  the  law  comes  the 
knowledge  of  sin.  Any  act,  therefore,  contrary 
to  the  law  is  sin."t  That  Zwingli  was  not  Pela- 
gian in  his  views,  is  apparent  from  additional 
statements  of  his  in  the  same  connection.  Al- 
though he  looked  upon  original  sin  as  a  disease, 
he  nevertheless  held  that  all  men  were  lost  by  it, 
and  must  be  redeemed  by  Christ  if  saved. 
To  obtain  any  adequate  conception  of  Zwingli's 


*0p.  Zw.,  III.,  pp.   147-325. 
Jlbtd.,  p.  204. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523- 1526        143 

greatness  as  a  reformer  we  must  ever  bear  in 
mind  the  complexity  of  the  struggle  in  which 
he  was  engaged.  Luther's  contest  was  com- 
paratively simple.  He  was  free  to  devote  all  his 
energy  and  skill  to  the  accomplishment  of  one 
object — the  exaltation  of  the  Word  of  God  to  a 
place  of  absolute  supremacy  in  matters  of  private 
conscience.  Zwingli  fought  for  the  same  object, 
but  the  contest  in  Switzerland  involved  both 
church  and  state.  It  was  a  war  for  civil  liberty 
and  religious  emancipation  at  one  and  the  same 
time.  A  struggle  against  civic  and  social  im- 
morality as  well  as  religious  degradation. 
Zwingli  was  not  only  a  teacher  and  a  reformer 
like  Luther,  he  was  also  a  statesman  and  a  pa- 
triot. The  same  voice  that  proclaimed  the  pure 
Gospel,  and  with  its  earnestness  and  fervor  kin- 
dled men's  souls  and  opened  to  them  visions  of 
a  higher  life,  was  heard  pleading  with  equal 
power  and  persuasiveness  for  official  integrity, 
pure  citizenship,  and  love  of  country.  The  mild 
preacher  and  scholar  was  transformed  into  the 
fierce  antagonist  as  visions  of  official  corruption 
rose  before  him.  Zwingli  loved  his  country,  and 
as  a  loyal  citizen  was  ready  at  any  time  to  sacri- 
fice himself  for  it.  In  the  intrigues  of  foreign 
agents  and  the  venality  of  a  strong  party  at  home 
he  read  signs  of  the  speedy  loss  of  that  freedom 


144  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

which  his  fathers  had  so  valiantly  won.  His 
patriotism  gained  for  him  the  hatred  of  for- 
eigners and  the  active  hostility  of  that  large  party 
at  home  which  loved  the  gold  of  foreign  princes 
more  than  private  honor  or  the  independence  of 
their  country.  It  also  imperiled  from  the  very 
beginning  the  cause  of  the  Reformation.  Power- 
ful factions  were  formed  against  him  in  all  parts 
of  Switzerland,  and  although  the  real  animus  of 
their  attack  was  personal  rather  than  religious, 
nevertheless  religion  furnished  a  convenient  and 
respectable  covert  under  which  to  mask  their  hos- 
tility. 

In  the  canton  of  Lucerne  the  Romish  and  mer- 
cenary parties  held  undisputed  control,  and 
Schwyz,  where  Zwingli,  Leo  Jud,  and  Myconius 
had  labored,  and  which  at  one  time  showed  hope- 
ful signs  of  reform,  came  ultimately  into  sub- 
jection to  the  enemies  of  Zwingli  and  the  Reform 
movement.  In  Bern,  the  largest  and  most  power- 
ful of  the  Swiss  States,  the  forces  of  Rome  and 
the  Reformation  seemed  quite  equally  divided, 
and  consequently  Bern  became  for  a  time  the 
center  of  chief  interest  in  the  struggle. 

Formidable  as  was  the  opposition  which  Rome 
raised  against  the  Reformation,  Zwingli  declared 
it  "  child's  play  "  compared  with  the  opposition 
that  he  encountered  from  another  source.  No 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        145 

reform  movement  has  ever  arisen,  embodying 
a  great  vital  principle,  but  that  there  has  sprung 
up  with  it  a  party  of  ultra-radicals,  devoid  of 
mental  equipoise,  breadth  of  vision,  and  common 
sense,  from  whose  vagaries  and  fanaticism  it  has 
had  more  to  fear  than  from  its  avowed  enemies. 
The  Reformation  had  several  foes  to  contend 
with  at  once — Romanism,  rational  philosophy, 
and  mysticism.  These  it  openly  met  and  van- 
quished on  their  own  grounds.  The  fanaticism 
of  the  Anabaptists,  however,  coming,  as  it  ap- 
peared, from  within  its  own  ranks,  furnished 
trouble  of  the  most  serious  nature.  Hase  thus 
summarizes  the  situation :  "  While  the  Reform- 
ers justified  their  opposition  to  the  papacy  by  ap- 
pealing to  the  Scriptures,  or  to  clear  and  mani- 
fest reasons,  it  was  not  surprising  that  others,  on 
the  contrary,  decidedly  arrogated  to  themselves 
as  individuals  what  the  Church  claimed  for  her- 
self in  general,  and  that  fanatical  persons  mistook 
their  passionate  impulses  for  divine  inspirations. 
Their  rejection  of  infant  baptism,  in  consistency 
with  the  Protestant  doctrine  of  faith,  and  on  ac- 
count of  its  want  of  Scriptural  authority,  together 
with  their  consequent  repetition  of  the  baptism  of 
adult  believers,  became  the  distinctive  badge  of 
their  party.  These  Anabaptists,  who  made  their 
first  appearance  at  Zwickau  and  Wittenberg, 


146  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

were  nearly  all  put  to  death  in  the  Peasants'  War, 
but  in  almost  every  part  of  the  country  a  class 
of  enthusiasts  resembling  them,  but  very  unlike 
each  other  in  moral  and  religious  character,  be- 
came the  pioneers  and  freebooters  of  the  Ref- 
ormation. Some  of  them  were  persons  who  had 
renounced  the  world,  and  others  were  the  slaves 
of  their  own  lusts ;  to  some  of  them  marriage 
was  only  an  ideal  religious  communion  of  spirit, 
to  others  it  was  resolved  into  a  general  com- 
munity of  wives;  some  did  not  differ  from  the 
Reformers  with  respect  to  doctrine,  but  others 
rejected  original  sin  and  the  natural  bondage  of 
the  will,  denied  that  we  are  to  be  justified  by  the 
merits  of  Christ  alone,  or  that  we  can  partake  of 
his  flesh,  and  maintained  that  our  Lord's  body 
was  not  from  heaven,  and  not  begotten  by  the 
Virgin.  As  they  acknowledged  no  call  but  that 
which  came  directly  from  God  within  them,  they 
despised  the  ministerial  office  in  the  Church,  and 
though  they  denounced  all  historical  records, 
they  justified  themselves  by  isolated  passages  of 
the  Bible  for  overthrowing  all  existing  relations 
in  social  life.  In  their  assumed  character  of  men 
moved  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  they  were,  of  course, 
exalted  above  all  law,  and  frequently  exhibited 
a  spirit  of  rebellion  against  every  kind  of  gov- 
ernment. Hence  among  both  Catholics  and 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        147 

Protestants  it  was  thought  right  to  punish  them 
even  with  death."  * 

Luther  on  his  return  to  Wittenberg  had  prac- 
tically succeeded  in  suppressing  the  Anabaptist 
movement  in  Germany.  Thomas  Miinzer,  the 
leader,  was  compelled  to  leave  Saxony,  and  when 
driven  out  he  sought  an  asylum  in  Switzerland. 
Here  he  fell  in  with  Conrad  Grebel,  a  young  man 
descended  from  one  of  the  best  families  of  Zurich, 
brother-in-law  of  Vadian,  and  a  former  friend  of 
Zwingli.  He  was  a  man  of  fine  scholarship, 
having  studied  at  the  universities  of  Paris  and 
Vienna;  morally,  however,  his  career  had  been 
anything  but  creditable.  At  school  he  had  led 
a  life  of  such  wild  dissipation  as  to  ruin  his  health 
and  squander  a  considerable  fortune.  Felix  Manz, 
the  son  of  a  canon,  and  a  fair  Hebrew  scholar, 
also  became  one  of  the  number.  These  men 
rather  expected  that  Zwingli  would  find  posi- 
tions for  them  as  teachers  in  the  cathedral 
schools,  but  this  Zwingli  could  not  honorably  do, 
nor  had  he  such  confidence  in  them  as  to  be  in- 
clined to  help  them  had  the  way  been  open.  De- 
feated in  one  quarter,  they  sought  to  gratify  their 
ambition  in  another.  Several  others  joined  their 
number,  prominent  among  them  Simon  Stumpf, 


*History  of  the  Christian  Church,  translated  from  the  seventh 
German  ed.  by  Charles  E.  Blumenthal,  p.  431. 


I48  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

of  Honegg,  and  George  Blaurock,  a  monk,  of 
Coire.  In  November  of  this  year  (1524),  Andrew 
Carlstadt,  Luther's  quarrelsome  and  erratic  op- 
ponent at  Wittenberg,  came  to  Zurich.  Miinzer 
and  he  visited  Balthasar  Hubmaier,  pastor  of 
Waldshut,  and  in  the  course  of  the  interview 
completely  won  him  over  to  their  views.  To- 
gether they  set  to  work  to  effect  some  sort  of 
organization.  It  was  decided  to  make  rebaptism 
the  distinguishing  mark  of  the  new  society. 
Baptism  received  in  infancy  was  regarded  in- 
valid. "  It  is  a  horrible  abomination,  a  flagrant 
impiety,  invented  by  the  Evil  Spirit  and  the  Pope 
of  Rome."  "  It  surprised  us  much,"  remarks 
Zwingli,  "  that  they  were  so  zealous  against  it, 
but  at  length  we  observed  that  it  was  for  the 
reason  that,  on  infant  baptism  being  rejected, 
they  might  have  a  pretext  for  organizing  their 
church  under  the  banner  of  rebaptization." 

As  appears  from  his  "  Exposition,"  Zwingli 
at  this  time  could  hardly  have  found  serious  ob- 
jection to  the  main  doctrinal  contention  of  the 
Anabaptists.  He  says :  "  Although  I  am  aware, 
as  the  Fathers  prove,  that  infants  were  at  times 
baptized  by  the  early  Church,  nevertheless  it  was 
not  so  general  a  custom  as  now,  the  common 
practice  being  to  gather  the  children  into  classes 
for  Gospel  instruction  as  soon  as  they  arrived  at 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        149 

the  age  of  understanding.  Then,  after  they 
had  been  firmly  grounded  in  the  faith,  and  had 
confessed  the  same  with  their  lips,  they  were 
baptized.  I  would  that  this  custom  were  revived 
to-day,  for  if  children  are  not  well  instructed 
after  baptism  they  suffer  great  disadvantage/'  * 
It  is  not  surprising  that  by  this  statement  the 
Anabaptists  were  led  to  think  that  Zwingli  was 
on  their  side,  or  could  at  least  be  counted  on  as 
a  defender. 

As  the  errors  of  this  sect  were  rapidly  spread- 
ing, especially  among  an  ignorant  class  who 
hated  "  popery/'  but  loved  not  the  moral  re- 
straints of  true  religion,  Zwingli  endeavored  to 
check  it  as  best  he  could  by  means  of  public 
instruction.  He  frequently  met  and  disputed 
with  the  Anabaptist  leaders,  in  the  hope  that  by 
the  use  of  argument  and  Scripture  he  might  be 
able  to  turn  them  from  their  erroneous  views. 
He  found  that  they  were  not  open  to  conviction. 
Baptism,  as  presently  appeared,  was  only  one, 
and  the  least  important,  of  many  points  in  which 
they  differed  doctrinally  from  the  Reformers. 
The  Lord's  Supper  they  degraded  to  an  un- 
seemly evening  revel.  They  rejected  regularly 
ordained  ministers  on  the  plea  that  a  paid  clergy 


*Op.  Zw.,  I.,  239,  240. 


150  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

could  not  preach  the  truth.  "  No  Christian," 
they  said,  "  can  assume  a  civil  office,  carry  a 
sword,  or  be  judge."  From  this  they  were  not 
long  in  arriving  at  the  corollary  proposition 
which  denied  all  the  rights  of  civil  authority. 
"  No  one,"  said  they,  "  is  obliged  to  pay  rents, 
tithes,  or  dues."  Community  of  goods  was  pro- 
claimed, and  Zwingli  states  that  this  freedom  was 
also  extended  to  the  social  relations.  Anabaptism 
in  Switzerland  grew  up  under  the  leadership  of  a 
few  ambitious  men  of  scandalous  lives,  and  the 
fruit  proved  no  better  than  the  tree  upon  which 
it  grew.  This  sect  soon  became  a  powerful  men- 
ace to  both  state  and  society.  Zwingli  recog- 
nized that  in  the  persons  of  these  fanatics  the 
cause  of  Reform  had  met  a  more  dangerous 
enemy  than  in  Rome  itself.  He  began  at  once 
to  plan  prudent  measures  for  their  eradication, 
and  considering  their  violence  and  lawlessness 
his  patience  and  moderation  are  something  mar- 
velous, and  form  an  interesting  contrast  when 
compared  with  Luther's  harsh  and  summary 
treatment  of  them  in  Germany. 

Grebel  having  failed  to  induce  Zwingli  to  adopt 
his  views,  and  impose  them  upon  the  Reforma- 
tion, next  sought  to  lay  the  matter  before  the 
people  for  final  decision.  Zwingli,  knowing  how 
ignorant  the  people  were,  and  how  susceptible 


ZWINGLI   AT   ZURICH— 1523-1526        151 

to  error  when  attractively  presented,  regarded 
this  an  unsafe  course  and  would  not  permit  it. 
In  prosecuting  his  own  reforms  he  had  appealed 
to  the  Council  of  the  Two  Hundred  as  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  people  and  the  Church  at 
large.  He  held  that  the  ultimate  authority  in 
both  church  and  state  rested  with  the  people, 
but  that  the  legislation  of  the  Church,  except  on 
extraordinary  occasions,  could  best  be  enacted  by 
the  people's  representatives.  Ecclesiastical  au- 
thority was  thus  delegated  by  the  people  of  Zu- 
rich to  their  legally  appointed  representatives  on 
condition  that  in  all  things  they  should  conform 
to  the  Word  of  God.  It  is  here  that  we  discover 
for  the  first  time  the  germs  of  a  presbyterian,  or 
republican,  form  of  church  polity. 

Zurich  has  been  criticised  for  her  harsh  treat- 
ment of  the  Anabaptists.  Fairness  demands  that 
the  peculiar  perils  of  the  political  situation  should 
be  borne  in  mind,  coupled  with  the  fact  that  the 
offenses  for  which  the  members  of  this  sect  were 
punished  were  of  a  civil  rather  than  a  religious 
nature.  Certain  deeds  of  violence  at  Zollikon 
on  Pentecost,  1524 — the  breaking  of  the  images, 
altars,  and  baptismal  font  of  the  Church — were 
the  first  acts  which  brought  the  Anabaptists  into 
conflict  with  the  civil  authorities.  This  affair 
particularly  annoyed  Zwingli,  because  it  occurred 


I52  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

at  the  very  time  when  he  was  deliberating  on 
means  for  the  legal  and  orderly  removal  of 
abuses.  The  Council  promptly  punished  the  of- 
fenders with  prison  and  banishment.  The  sen- 
tence was  regarded  by  them  and  their  friends  in 
the  light  of  a  persecution,  and  accepted  in  a  man- 
ner well  becoming  true  martyrs.  Fuel  was  thus 
added  to  the  fires  of  fanaticism,  and  the  streets 
of  Zurich  were  made  to  ring  with  the  cries  of  the 
persecuted.  Wild  scenes  of  disorder  were  public- 
ly enacted.  In  the  midst  of  this  state  of  affairs 
the  Council  appointed  a  public  disputation  in  the 
Town  Hall,  and  summoned  the  Anabaptist  leaders 
to  meet  Zwingli  there  in  defense  of  their  views. 
They  excused  themselves  on  the  ground  that  they 
had  already  disputed  sufficiently  with  Zwingli, 
alleging,  furthermore,  that  his  speeches  were  so 
long  as  to  be  unendurable.  They  were  compelled, 
however,  to  appear,  and  on  the  I7th  of  January, 
1525,  the  first  disputation  with  the  Anabaptists 
took  place.  It  was  of  brief  duration,  and  the 
victory  remained  with  Zwingli.  The  Council  at 
the  close  published  the  following  decree : 

"  An  error  having  arisen  in  respect  of  baptism 
to  the  effect  that  infants  should  not  be  baptized 
until  they  arrive  at  years  of  discretion  and  knowl- 
edge of  the  faith;  and  some  having  in  conse- 
quence thereof  left  their  children  unbaptized,  we 


ZWINGLI    AT   ZURICH— 1523-1526        153 

have  ordered  a  disputation  on  this  matter  on  the 
ground  of  Holy  Scripture;  and  have  ordained 
that  without  regard  to  this  error  children  must 
be  baptized  as  soon  as  born ;  and  that  those  who 
have  left  their  children  unbaptized  must  have  the 
rite  performed  within  the  next  eight  days.  Who- 
soever will  not  conform  to  this  decree  shall,  with 
wife  and  child,  with  purse  and  property,  quit 
the  city  of  our  lords,  their  jurisdiction  and  terri- 
tory, or  take  what  further  may  befall  him."  * 

Zwingli  did  not  approve  of  this  decree.  He 
felt  that  the  Council,  moved  by  fear  for  the 
safety  of  the  state,  had  exceeded  its  authority, 
and  foresaw  that  the  effect  of  this  measure  would 
be  to  augment  the  violence  of  the  Anabaptists 
and  spread  their  error  all  the  more  widely.  This 
is  what  actually  came  to  pass.  The  leaders  cir- 
culated the  report  that  they  had  defeated  Zwingli 
in  debate,  and  many  of  their  followers  were  cred- 
ulous enough  to  believe  it,  and  were  encouraged 
to  demand  a  second  public  disputation.  They 
asserted  their  readiness  to  stake  everything — 
their  property  and  their  lives — upon  the  Word  of 
God.  They  requested  that  their  banished  lead- 
ers might  be  allowed  to  return  under  safe  con- 
duct to  defend  their  cause.  Zwingli  heartily  sup- 


*Egli,  Actensammlung,  No.  622. 


i54  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

ported  this  petition,  and  the  government  granted 
it,  fixing  upon  November  6,  1525,  as  the  date 
for  the  conference.  The  Anabaptists  assembled 
in  great  numbers  from  all  the  villages  of  the 
canton,  and  their  cause  was  defended  by  Grebel, 
Manz,  and  Blaurock.  The  debate  lasted  three 
days  and  was  confined  principally  to  the  doctrine 
of  baptism.*  Once  more  the  victory  remained 
with  Zwingli,  and  this  time  it  was  more  decided 
than  before.  When  the  disputation  was  ended 
the  Council  published  in  substance  the  follow- 
ing decree: 

"The  Anabaptists  and  their  followers  having 
for  three  successive  days  disputed  in  the  Town 
Hall,  in  our  presence  and  in  the  presence  of  the 
whole  community,  and  each  and  every  Baptist 
without  any  hindrance  having  spoken  his  quar- 
rel, dispute,  and  opinion,  it  hath  from  first  to 
last  appeared  that  Master  Ulrich  Zwingli,  with 
his  followers,  has  completely  overcome  the  Ana- 
baptists, demonstrated  the  invalidity  of  Anabap- 
tism,  and  on  the  other  hand  established  the  va- 
lidity of  infant  baptism.  Therefore  we  hereby 
command  and  enjoin  all  persons,  man  or  woman, 
young  man  or  maiden,  to  abstain  from  such  Ana- 


*Bullinger  states  th?it  Zwingli's  Baptism,  Andbaptism  and 
Infant  Baptism  (Op.  Zw.,  11.,  T,  pp.  230-303)  contains  sub- 
stantially the  arguments  employed  by  him  in  this  discussion. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        155 

baptism,  and  we  authorize  infants  only  to  be 
baptized." 

The  three  Anabaptist  leaders  were  called  upon 
to  publicly  confess  their  errors.  This  they  per- 
sistently refused  to  do,  and  the  Council  ordered 
them  to  be  placed  in  prison.  All  this  time 
Zwingli  was  laboring  diligently  in  his  sermons 
and  writings  for  the  extinction  of  the  Anabaptist 
errors,  persuaded  that  in  this  course  only  lay 
the  hope  of  final  success.  Gradually  the  turbu- 
lent and  insurrectionary  spirit  ceased.  The  pub- 
lic disputations  had  served  to  expose  the  error, 
and  the  Anabaptists  and  their  cause  became  more 
and  more  unpopular.  The  credit  of  suppressing 
the  uprising  is  due  almost  wholly  to  Zwingli's 
untiring  efforts.  When  the  movement  had  been 
so  thoroughly  quelled  that  it  no  longer  attracted 
public  attention,  the  leaders  were  released  on 
Zwingli's  petition,  with  the  admonition  to  watch 
their  ways  more  carefully  in  the  future.  It  was 
not  long,  however,  before  they  began  once  more 
to  hold  meetings  and  incite  the  people.  Manz 
and  Blaurock  were  again  imprisoned,  and  Grebel 
would  have  suffered  a  like  fate  had  he  not  fled. 

A  revolting  crime,  committed  by  a  frenzied 
Anabaptist  in  the  canton  of  St.  Gall,  aroused 
public  indignation  to  such  a  pitch  that  the  people 
earnestly  petitioned  the  government  to  put  a  stop 


156  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

to  the  disorders.  Blaurock  was  publicly  whipped 
and  sent  out  of  the  country,  and  Manz,  because 
of  his  stubborn  resistance  to  the  civil  authority, 
was  put  to  death  by  drowning.  Zwingli  was  op- 
posed to  such  severe  measures,  but  the  Council 
and  people  were  not  in  a  frame  of  mind  to  listen 
to  petitions  of  mercy.  The  Anabaptist  uprising 
was  a  serious  menace  to  the  Reformation  and  for 
a  time  checked  its  progress.  The  Romanists 
pointed  to  these  wild  excesses  as  the  natural 
fruit  of  the  evangelical  preaching,  and  in  many 
places  the  Gospel  suffered  from  this  charge.  Out 
of  it  there  grew  also  what  is  known  as  "  The 
Supper  Controversy,"  between  Luther  and 
Zwingli,  which  terminated  in  the  permanent  di- 
vision of  the  evangelical  movement  into  two 
branches,  the  Lutheran  and  the  Reformed. 

Through  the  influence  of  Zwingli  and  his 
friends  the  Reform  doctrines  had  already  pene- 
trated the  Toggenburg  valley.  The  Gospel 
cause  in  that  region  made  steady  progress 
through  the  faithful  labors  of  the  Reformed 
preachers.  In  1524  the  Council  of  the  commu- 
nity passed  -an  ordinance  requiring  the  ministers 
to  preach  only  what  could  be  clearly  proved  from 
Holy  Scripture.  As  early  as  1528  the  Reforma- 
tion had  been  generally  adopted  throughout  the 
district. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        157 

In  the  Grisons  a  like  progress  had  been  made. 
John  Comander,  a  friend  of  Zwingli,  was  preach- 
ing successfully  in  Rhaetia,  where  the  Anabap- 
tists had  preceded  him  and  had  brought  about 
conditions  that  made  his  work  doubly  hard.  At 
Ilanz  a  public  disputation  was  held,  January  7, 
1526,  between  the  Reformers  and  the  Romanists. 
Sebastian  Hofmeister,  of  Schaffhausen,  was  pres- 
ent as  a  listener,  and  to  him  we  are  indebted  for 
the  report  of  what  took  place  at  the  meeting. 
Comander  propounded  as  a  basis  of  discussion 
eighteen  theses — an  abridgment  of  Zwingli's 
Sixty-seven  Articles — and  led  the  discussion. 
His  chief  opponent  in  the  discussion  was  the 
Abbot  of  St.  Luke.  At  the  close,  several  priests 
declared  openly  for  the  Reformation.  In  many 
churches  the  Roman  worship  was  abolished,  and 
religious  liberty  was  everywhere  proclaimed. 
Salandronius,  in  a  letter  to  Zwingli,  says  of  Bias, 
the  successor  of  Comander :  "  In  teaching  and 
life  he  was  to  Rhaetia  a  fountain  of  blessing. 
Christ  grew  up  among  us  as  the  tender  herb, 
and  he  so  led  his  sheep  to  Him  that  the  mass 
was  abolished,  the  images  removed,  and  we  be- 
gan to  live  in  a  more  Christian  manner  than  any 
among  whom  the  Gospel  has  been  preached."  * 


*0p.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  485. 


158  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

The  partisans  of  Rome  perceived  with  alarm 
the  wide  reception  that  was  being  given  to  the 
Reform  doctrines.  Each  day  the  movement  was 
acquiring  new  strength  and  momentum,  and  it 
became  evident  that  unless  a  vigorous  blow  was 
struck  at  once  still  greater  gains  would  be  made. 
There  was  a  growing  feeling  that  the  conferences 
held  at  Zurich  were  largely  responsible  for  the 
misfortunes  of  their  present  state,  and  that  an 
effort  must  be  made  to  counteract  this  influence 
if  possible.  What  more  effective  stroke  could  be 
made  than  to  hold  a  similar  conference  in  some 
Romish  city,  where,  with  the  outward  show  of 
liberty  and  fairness,  such  precaution  might  be 
exercised  that  the  victory  of  Rome  would  be 
assured?  Such  was  the  plan  decided  upon  by 
three  leaders  of  the  papacy — Hug  and  Stein,  of 
Lucerne,  and  John  Faber,  of  Constance. 
Through  their  instigation  the  Roman  Catholic 
Cantons  sent  a  deputation  to  Bern,  who  laid  cer- 
tain complaints  before  the  City  Council.  They 
charged  that  God  was  blasphemed,  the  sacra- 
ments, the  Virgin,  and  the  saints  despised,  and 
the  whole  Confederacy  threatened  with  dissolu- 
tion. The  Roman  party  on  all  previous  occasions 
had  maintained  tfiat  discussions  were  unlawful, 
and  the  Reformers  had  always  taken  the  initia- 
tive in  assembling  them.  Rome  defended  her 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        159 

action  in  this  instance  by  saying  that  her  object 
was  to  check  and  condemn  the  doctrines  of 
Zwingli.  John  Eck,  of  Ingolstadt,  the  boasted 
champion  of  the  Leipzig  disputation,  volunteered 
his  services  as  defender  of  the  Church.  Zurich 
sought  to  have  the  conference  held  in  some  one 
of  the  Reform  cities,  and  the  Council  offered 
Eck  a  safe-conduct  if  he  would  come  to  Zurich.* 
This  he  refused,  saying  that  as  to  the  place  of 
"the  meeting  he  would  conform  to  the  wishes  of 
the  Diet.  Zwingli  then  offered  to  meet  him  at 
St.  Gall  or  Schaffhausen,  but  this  offer  the  Coun- 
cil of  Zurich  compelled  him  to  withdraw,  know- 
ing that  he  would  virtually  be  on  trial  for  his 
life,  and  the  Federal  compact  in  such  cases  pro- 
vided that  the  accused  must  be  tried  in  his  place 
of  abode.  Baden,  the  Catholic  city  in  which 
John  Wirth  and  his  sons  had  been  recently  exe- 
cuted, was  selected  by  the  Diet  as  the  place  for  the 
conference.  Zwingli's  friends  entreated  him,  as 
he  prized  his  Irfe,  not  to  go.f  Myconius  says 
that  a  conspiracy  had  been  formed  to  seize,  gag, 
and  carry  him  away  secretly.J  The  Council 
of  Zurich  decreed  that  he  should  not  be  per- 
mitted to  attend.  This  action  threw  the  Burden 


*Os.   Myc.   Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  X.;   Bullinger,  I.,  334  sq. 
tOp.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  483. 
%V\ta  et   Obitu  Zw.,  X. 


160  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

of  the  discussion  upon  the  faithful  but  not  over- 
confident (Ecolampadius,  who  had  hesitated  long 
as  to  whether  he  should  appear.  At  first  he 
earnestly  desired  that  Zwingli  should  be  present, 
but  after  reaching  Baden  he  became  convinced 
that  Zwingli's  presence  there  would  have  incited 
the  Romanists  to  such  a  degree  as  greatly  to 
endanger  the  lives  of  the  Reform  leaders,  him- 
self included. 

In  a  letter*  to  the  Council  of  Bern,  dated 
April  1 6,  1526,  Zwingli  sets  forth  in  detail  his 
reasons  for  refusing  to  attend  the  disputation  in 
their  city.  In  substance  they  amount  to  this: 
(i)  That  under  the  circumstances  the  safe-con- 
duct offered  him  would  be  absolutely  worthless; 
and  (2)  there  was  not  the  slightest  chance  of  his 
obtaining  a  fair  hearing. 

Although  Zwingli  was  absent,  from  the  seclu- 
sion of  his  study  in  Zurich  he  virtually  superin- 
tended the  discussion  on  the  part  of  the  Reform- 
ers. For  weeks  previous,  he  labored  unceasingly 
outlining  arguments  for  the  use  of  those  who 
would  represent  him  in  the  conference.  The 
gates  of  Baden  were  strongly  guarded  by  sen- 
tinals  during  the  session,  but  means  were  found 
of  eluding  their  vigilance,  and  letters  were  reg- 


*Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  pp.  493-496" 


TWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        161 

ularly  exchanged  each  day  between  Zwingli  and 
CEcolampadius.  Myconius  declares  that  "  Zwing- 
li labored  more  by  his  meditations,  his  sleepless 
nights,  and  the  advice  which  he  transmitted  to 
Baden,  than  he  would  have  done  by  discussing  in 
person  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies."* 

The  conference  opened  on  the  21  st  of  May, 
and  was  entered  upon  and  conducted  throughout 
with  great  pomp  and  ceremony  on  the  part  of 
Rome.  The  discussions  lasted  about  four  weeks. 
Eck  did  all  the  speaking  for  the  Old  Church 
party,  and  in  much  the  same  manner  in  which 
he  had  combated  Luther  at  Leipzig.  CEco- 
lampadius was  the  very  opposite  of  Eck  in  ap- 
pearance and  in  the  manner  of  his  address.  Hal- 
ler,  of  Bern,  was  also  present  during  part  of  the 
discussion,  and  spoke  against  Eck,  but  his  nat- 
ural timidity  put  him  at  great  disadvantage.  The 
doctrines  discussed  were:  The  real  presence,  in- 
vocation of  saints,  images,  purgatory,  original 
sin,  and  baptism.  Before  the  conference  closed 
the  Romish  party  began  to  claim  the  victory,  but 
the  more  sober-minded  auditors  felt  that  from 
the  standpoint  of  Scripture  and  logical  argument 
the  victory  rested  with  CEcolampadius  and  his 
party.  Toward  the  close  of  the  conference  a 


•Os.  Myc.  Vita  et  Obitu  Zw.,  X. 


1 62  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

monk  of  Lucerne  came  forward  and  read  forty 
charges  against  Zwingli.  When  he  had  finished 
he  paused  for  reply.  No  reply  being  made,  he 
feigned  great  surprise  at  Zwingli's  absence,  and 
proceeded  to  rate  him  for  his  cowardice  in  fail- 
ing to  appear.  When  the  vote  was  taken  Eck 
received  a  large  majority,  the  only  opposing 
votes,  in  fact,  being  those  of  CEcolampadius  and 
his  few  friends.  As  a  concluding  act,  the  con- 
ference passed  a  decree  that  Zwingli  and  the 
ministers  of  like  views,  since  they  had  resisted 
conviction,  were  cast  out  of  the  bosom  and  com- 
munion of  the  Catholic  Church. 

The  results  of  the  Conference  of  Baden  were, 
on  the  whole,  favorable  to  the  cause  of  Reform. 
The  deputies  of  evangelical  sympathies  returned 
to  their  homes  filled  with  new  zeal  for  the 
Gospel.  The  two  great  cantons  of  the  Confed- 
eracy, Bern  and  Basel,  from  this  time  took  a  stand 
which  ultimately  brought  them  out  fully  on  the 
Reformed  side.  CEcolampadius  on  his  return 
to  Basel  met  with  determined  opposition  from  his 
enemies,  who  were  intent  on  driving  him  from 
his  post.  Their  attempt  utterly  failed,  and  the 
courage  of  the  reformer  grew,  and  his  faith 
strengthened  under  their  attacks.  He  preached 
with  greater  energy,  and  his  ministry  was  at- 
tended by  larger  congregations  than  ever  before. 


ZWINGLI    AT    ZURICH— 1523-1526        163 

Haller  met  with  a  similar  experience  in  Bern. 
The  enemy  were  determined  to  drive  him  from 
his  pulpit.  He  was  summoned  before  the  Small 
Council  and  ordered  to  celebrate  mass.  He  de- 
clared that  he  would  resign  his  post  rather  than 
conform  to  this  request.  The  people,  hearing 
that  their  pastor  was  in  danger,  assembled  in 
great  numbers  to  protect  him,  and  the  Council 
was  compelled  to  withdraw  its  demand.  In  do- 
ing so,  however,  it  deprived  Haller  of  his 
canonry.  From  this  time  his  office  was  simply 
that  of  cathedral  preacher. 

In  St.  Gall  also  the  Gospel  displayed  new 
vigor  after  the  Baden  Conference.  The  preach- 
ers became  more  fearless ;  images  were  removed 
in  some  of  the  churches,  and  the  relics  sold  for 
the  benefit  of  the  poor. 

Zwingli  was  filled  with  joy  as  he  noted  these 
signs  of  progress.  "  Bern,"  said  he,  "  is  firmer 
after  the  disputation  than  she  was  before ;  so  also 
is  Basel.  In  the  city  and  canton  of  Zurich  there 
is  admirable  unity  in  favor  of  the  Gospel.  By 
the  prayer  of  faith  we  shall  overcome  all  things. "* 

The  initial  step  leading  to  the  conflict  that  oc- 
curred a  few  years  later  was  taken  by  the  For- 
est Cantons  when  they  refused  to  sit  in  diet  with 


*0p.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  519. 


1 64  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Zurich.  Being  thus  excluded  from  her  lawful 
rights  in  the  national  assembly,  Zurich  naturally 
looked  for  sympathy  among  those  cantons  which 
had  a  similar  faith  but  were  less  bold  in  asserting 
it.  A  diet  was  accordingly  assembled  at  Zurich, 
to  which  representatives  of  these  cantons  were  in- 
vited for  the  purpose  of  considering  plans  looking 
to  the  formation  of  a  league  for  the  defense  of 
the  Gospel.  Zurich's  proposal  was  favorably  re- 
ceived, and  her  sister  cantons  promised  to  give 
the  matter  careful  consideration.  The  Forest 
Cantons  were  alarmed  and  greatly  irritated  when 
they  learned  what  had  taken  place.  Deputies 
were  sent  immediately  to  Bern,  who  demanded  of 
the  Council  the  dismission  of  her  teachers,  the 
suppression  of  the  new  doctrine,  and  the  main- 
tenance of  the  "  ancient  and  true  Christian  faith." 
They  even  went  so  far  as  to  threaten  violence 
unless  Bern  acceded  to  their  demand.  Bern  re- 
plied with  dignity  that  she  was  able  to  manage 
the  affairs  of  her  own  jurisdiction  without  help 
from  others.  This  reply  was  hardly  calculated 
to  conciliate  the  deputies,  or  mollify  the  exist- 
ing bitterness,  and  they  returned  to  their  moun- 
tain homes  with  the  angry  determination  to  seek 
measures  for  the  humiliation  of  this  powerful  and 
haughty  state.  How  they  set  to  work  to  achieve 
their  purpose  will  subsequently  appear. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

ZWINGLl'S  VIEWS  ON  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER. — THE 
SACRAMENTAL  CONTROVERSY,  AND  THE  MAR- 
BURG COLLOQUY. 

THE  great  conflict  which  the  Reformers  waged 
against  the  Catholic  Church  was  maintained 
amid  great  discouragement,  owing  to  differ- 
ences of  doctrinal  opinion  which  had  arisen,  di- 
viding for  a  time  the  ranks  of  the  Reformers  into 
two  hostile  camps,  which  became  hardly  less  bit- 
ter in  their  feelings  toward  each  other  than  both 
were  toward  Rome.  Separation  from  a  lifeless 
and  corrupt  Church,  however  necessary,  was  a 
work  not  to  be  accomplished  without  great  dan- 
ger to  the  living  part.  It  could  not  be  expected 
that  absolute  uniformity  of  belief  would  prevail 
among  those  who  withdrew  from  the  mother 
Church,  yet  it  was  to  be  hoped  that  their  differ- 
ences would  be  confined  to  non-essentials,  and 
that  toward  these  such  mutual  charity  and  for- 
bearance would  be  shown  that  the  bond  of  Chris- 
tian brotherhood  would  remain  intact,  and  that 
all  parties  would  unite  in  presenting  an  un- 
broken front  to  their  opponents.  This  hope  was 


1 66  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

not  to  be  realized;  for  no  sooner  had  the  Ref- 
ormation begun  to  be  victorious,  and  to  mani- 
fest a  potency  which  carried  consternation  and 
alarm  to  the  leaders  of  the  hierarchy,  than  a  large 
measure  of  its  force  was  dissipated  and  lost 
through  internal  dissension,  and  expended  in  a 
war  of  words  which  weakened  and  disgraced  the 
Reform  cause. 

In  the  eyes  of  the  Catholic  Church,  responsi- 
bility for  the  wild  innovations  and  excesses  of  the 
Anabaptists  was  seen  to  rest  upon  the  Reforma- 
tion. A  broad  and  thoughtful  study  of  the  facts 
is  more  likely  to  place  the  burden  of  blame  upon 
the  combined,  hate-producing  tyranny  of  the 
mediaeval  Church  and  State.  The  Reformation 
was  simply  the  divine  emancipation  of  men  from 
the  double  serfdom  under  which  they  had  suf- 
fered for  ages,  and  it  is  unfair  to  hold  it  account- 
able for  the  wild  doings  of  a  people  frenzied  by 
ages  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical  oppression. 

The  Anabaptists  departed  from  the  teachings 
of  Luther  on  other  doctrines  besides  baptism. 
With  respect  to  the  Lord's  Supper  they  held 
views  of  so  radical  a  nature  as  to  create  intense 
alarm  among  Reformers  and  Catholics  alike. 
In  some  instances  they  went  so  far  as  to  de- 
grade the  sacrament  to  a  mere  social  feast. 
Andrew  Carlstadt,  Luther's  troublesome  asso- 


PQ 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S   SUPPER      167 

ciate  at  Wittenberg,  though  denying  any  con- 
nection with  these  turbulent  radicals,  was 
nevertheless  the  originator  of  many  of  their  va- 
garies of  belief.  Being  of  a  garrulous  and  con- 
tentious disposition,  and  being  somewhat  jealous 
of  Luther's  popularity,  he  strove  to  outdo  him  as 
an  evangelist,  and  his  radicalism  and  incaution 
so  incensed  Luther  that  he  unsparingly  classed 
him  among  the  Anabaptists,  whose  views  he  truly 
shared  to  a  limited  extent,  but  whose  violence 
he  ever  repudiated.  Carlstadt,  being  an  erratic 
and  unbalanced  character,  had  little  influence  in 
shaping  the  views  which  finally  evolved  as  the 
result  of  the  Sacramental  Controversy.  He  in- 
terests us  merely  as  the  occasion  of  the  discus- 
sion and  conflict  which  resulted  in  the  perma- 
nent division  of  the  Reformed  hosts  on  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Lord's  Supper. 

The  German  and  Swiss  Reformers  developed 
their  particular  views  independently,  though 
Luther  was  probably  led  to  take  his  extreme  con- 
servative stand  through  his  dislike  for  Carlstadt 
and  the  Anabaptists.  The  doctrine  of  the  cor- 
poreal presence  of  Christ  in  the  Supper  as  held 
by  the  Catholic  Church,  and  in  a  modified  form 
by  Luther,  was  to  Zwingli  a  denial  of  the  plain 
declaration  of  our  bodily  senses,  a  violation  of 
reason,  and  altogether  unwarranted  by  the  Word 


1 68  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

i  of  God.  Furthermore,  such  a  view  appeared 
dangerous  to  the  highest  welfare  of  souls, 
since  if  Christians  imagined  that  they  received 
Christ  in  the  consecrated  bread,  they  would  less 
earnestly  strive  to  receive  him  by  faith,  through 
which  alone  they  could  be  effectually  sanctified. 
"  Faith,"  said  he,  "  is  reality,  not  knowledge, 
opinion,  or  fancy."  *  It  was  therefore  a  love  of 
practical  religion,  and  not  an  unconscious  yield- 
ing to  a  rationalistic  tendency  of  mind,  that  led 
Zwingli  to  oppose  the  views  of  Luther  and  the 
German  Reformers  on  this  important  subject. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Zwingli,  through 
his  study  of  the  Scriptures,  had  formed  at  an 
early  period  in  his  career  independent  views  re- 
specting the  Eucharist,  but  it  is  equally  evident 
that  in  the  final  development  of  those  views  he 
was  impelled  by  certain  influences  which  can  be 
definitely  traced.f  In  the  year  1521  he  was  vis- 
ited at  Zurich  by  two  Hollanders,  Rhodius  and 
Sagarus  by  name,  who  brought  with  them  cer- 
tain manuscripts  of  John  Wessel,  and  a  letter 
of  Cornelius  Hoen  in  which  he  explained  the 
significance  of  the  Lord's  Supper  by  reference 
to  the  sixth  chapter  of  John's  Gospel.  He 


*Op.  Zw.,  III.,  p.  230. 

tHess  states  that  he  was  acquainted  with  the  writings  of 
Ratramnus  on  this  subject.  Definite  proof  to  that  effect  seems 
to  be  lacking.  Vide  J.  G.  Hess,  Life  of  Zwingli,  p.  17. 


VIEWS  ON  THE   LORD'S   SUPPER      169 

argued  as  follows :  "  Christ  gives  himself  to  us 
by  means  of  the  bread:  but  let  us  distinguish 
between  the  bread  we  receive  by  the  mouth,  and 
Christ  whom  we  receive  by  faith.  Whoever 
thinks  that  he  receives  only  what  he  takes  into 
his  mouth  does  not  discern  the  body  of  the  Lord, 
and  eats  and  drinks  his  own  condemnation,  be- 
cause by  eating  and  drinking  he  bears  testimony 
to  the  presence  of  Christ,  whilst  by  his  unbelief 
he  remains  far  from  Him."  Zwingli  was  deeply 
impressed  by  this  letter  and  afterward  published 
it.  In  1523,  in  a  long  letter  to  his  old  teacher, 
Thomas  Wyttenbach,  he  refutes  the  doctrine  of 
transubstantiation,  maintains  the  symbolic  char- 
acter of  the  sacrament,  and  among  other  things 
says  that  "  the  bread  and  wine  are  to  the  Supper 
what  water  is  to  baptism,  in  which  we  might 
vainly  plunge  a  man  a  thousand  times  if  he  did 
not  believe.  Faith  is  the  one  thing  needful."  * 
Zwingli  was  also  affected  by  the  great  humanist ; 
for  Melanchthon  states  that  while  at  Marburg 
Zwingli  confessed  that  his  opinions  on  the  Lord's 
Supper  were  originally  gathered  from  the  writ- 
ings of  Erasmus.f  Luther's  conservatism  has 
already  been  contrasted  with  the  liberal  progres- 


»Op.  Zw.,  VII.,  p.  298. 

•\Cinglius  mihi  confessus  est,  se  ex  Erasmi  scriptis  primum 
hausisse  opinionem  suam  de  Coena  Domini,  Corp.  Ref.,  IV., 
p.  970. 


170  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

siveness  of  Zwingli.  Nowhere  does  the  contrast 
appear  more  striking  than  in  the  views  which 
each  held  respecting  the  Lord's  Supper.  Luther's 
final  position  seejns  utterly  inconsistent  with  the 
logic  of  the  Reform  movement,  and  with  his  own 
earlier  and  unbiased  utterances  on  this  subject. 
His  terror  over  the  wild  extravagances  of  the 
Anabaptists  led  him  to  dismiss  reason  and  take  a 
stand  which  having  once  assumed  he  felt  it  im- 
possible ever  to  abandon. 

To  Luther's  mind  the  bread  and  wine  were 
not  only  symbols  of  a  spiritual  grace  to  be  ap- 
propriated by  faith,  but  a  testimonial  of  the  Di- 
vine will,  containing  the  real  body  and  blood  of 
our  Lord,  through  the  partaking  of  which  be- 
lievers found  the  full  assurance  of  salvation.  The 
bread  remained  bread  and  the  wine,  wine,  but, 
said  he,  "  Just  as  iron  and  fire,  which  are  dis- 
tinct substances,  are  mingled  together  in  red- 
hot  iron,  so  that  in  every  part  there  are  at  once 
iron  and  fire;  in  like  manner,  and  with  greater 
reason,  the  glorified  body  of  Christ  is  found  in 
all  parts  of  the  bread/'  *  Luther  made  no  at- 
tempt further  than  this  to-  explain  or  justify  his 
theory  in  the  light  of  reason.  He  rested  wholly 
on  the  words  found  in  our  Lord's  formula  of 


*De    Captivitate   Babylonica   Ecclesiae  Praeludium   D.   Martini 
Lutheri.     Wittenb.,  1520,  Erl.  ed.     Op.  Lat,  vol.  V.,  pp.   13-118. 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S   SUPPER      171 

institution,  "  This  is  my  body."  Following  the 
teaching  of  one  of  the  later  schoolmen,  William 
of  Occam,  he  abandoned  the  doctrine  of  tran- 
substantiation  held  by  the  Catholic  Church,  and 
accepted  instead  Occam's  theory  of  a  universal 
miracle,  worked  by  Christ  himself  once  for  all, 
viz.,  the  ubiquity  or  omnipresence  of  his  body. 

Zwingli  sought  to  draw  from  Scripture  alone 
the  true  meaning  of  the  sacrament.  Less  fet- 
tered than  Luther  by  the  dogmas  of  previous 
ages,  there  was  even  a  touch  of  Platonism  in  his 
free  handling  of  profound  spiritual  truths.  He 
studied  the  opinions  of  others  with  that  largeness 
of  mental  grasp  which  left  him  even  more  inde- 
pendent than  before  in  the  formulation  of  his 
own  views.  Iii  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per, as  he  studied  it  in  the  fight  of  Paul's  teach- 
ing, he  saw  a  beautiful  symbol  of  the  spiritual 
union  of  Christ  with  his  true  followers.  To  his 
mind  the  Church  was  not  so  much  an  institution 
as  a  vast  brotherhood,  and  he  was  fond  of  quot- 
ing the  words :  "  For  we  being  many  are  one 
bread  and  one  body  (I.  Cor.  10:17).  He  re- 
jected the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation  and 
Luther's  compromise  theory  of  the  real  presence, 
and  saw  in  the  sacred  elements  the  symbol  of 
Christ's  redemptive  work,  to  be  partaken  of  in 
commemoration  of  him,  and  with  such  faith  that 


1 72  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

the  Savior  himself  should  be  made  present  to  the 
soul.  "  Whoso  receives  bread  and  wine/'  says 
he,  "  is  as  near  to  Christ  as  if  He  now  died  for 
him  on  the  cross ;  and  since  Christ  is  so  mighty 
and  at  all  times  present,  therefore  His  sufferings 
are  eternally  fruitful."  From  his  Confession  of 
Faith,  addressed  to  Charles  V.  (1530),  which 
contains  his  latest  and  most  mature  belief  on 
this  subject,  are  taken  these  words: 

"  I  believe  that  in  the  holy  Eucharist — i.e.,  the 
supper  of  thanksgiving — the  true  body  of  Christ 
is  present  by  the  contemplation  of  faith ;  i.e.,  that 
they  who  thank  the  Lord  for  the  kindness  con- 
ferred on  us  in  His  Son  acknowledge  that  He 
assumed  true  flesh,  in  it  truly  suffered,  truly 
washed  away  our  sins  in  His  own  blood;  and 
thus  everything  done  by  Christ  becomes  pres- 
ent to  them  by  the  contemplation  of  faith.  But 
that  the  body  of  Christ  in  essence  and  reality — 
i.e.,  the  natural  body  itself — is  either  present  in 
the  Supper  or  masticated  with  our  mouth  or 
i,  as  the  Papists  and  some  who  long  for  the 
flesh-pots  of  Egypt  assert,  we  not  only  deny,  but 
firmly  maintain  is  an  error  opposed  to  God's 
Word. 

"  Moreover,  that  the  natural  body  of  Christ  is 
not  eaten  with  our  mouth,  He  Himself  showed 
when  He  said  to  the  Jews  disputing  concerning 


VIEWS  ON   THE   LORD'S   SUPPER 


173 


the  corporal  eating  of  his  flesh :  '  The  flesh  prof- 
iteth  nothing ' — viz.,  for  eating  naturally,  but 
for  eating  spiritually  much,  as  it  gives  life. 

"  '  That  which  is  born  of  the  flesh  is  flesh ;  and 
that  which  is  born  of  the  Spirit  is  spirit.'  If, 
therefore,  the  natural  body  of  Christ  is  eaten  by 
our  mouth,  what  but  flesh  will  be  produced  from 
flesh  naturally  masticated?  And  lest  the  argu- 
ment should  seem  unimportant  to  anyone,  let 
him  hear  the  second  part :  '  That  which  is  born 
of  the  Spirit  is  spirit/  Therefore,  that  which  is 
spirit  is  born  of  the  Spirit.  If,  then,  the  flesh  of 
Christ  is  salutary  to  the  soul,  it  should  be  eaten 
spiritually,  not  carnally.  This  also  pertains  to 
the  substance  of  the  sacraments,  that  the  spirit 
is  generated  of  the  Spirit,  and  not  of  any  cor- 
poreal matter,  as  we  have  previously  indicated. 

"  Paul  teaches  that  if  he  once  knew  Christ  ac- 
cording to  the  flesh,  henceforth  he  will  know 
Him  no  more  according  to  the  flesh. 

"  By  these  passages  we  are  compelled  to  con- 
fess that  the  words :  '  This  is  my  body/  should 
be  received  not  naturally,  but  figuratively,  just 
as  the  words :  '  This  is  the  passover/  For  the 
lamb  that  was  eaten  every  year  with  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  festival  was  not  the  passover,  but 
signified  that  the  passover  and  omission  had  been 
formerly  made.  To  this  is  added  the  succession, 


174  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

since  the  passover  was  succeeded  by  the  Lord's 
Supper,  which  teaches  that  Christ  used  similar 
words;  for  succession  observes  imitation.  The 
same  composition  of  words  is  an  additional  argu- 
ment. So  is  the  time,  since  at  the  same  Supper 
the  old  passover  is  discontinued  and  the  new 
Eucharist  is  instituted.  The  proper  signification 
of  all  memorials  is  a  further  confirmation  which 
gives  it  its  name,  whereof  they  make  mention  as 
'  commemoration.'  "  * 

A  precautionary  step  taken  by  the  Council  of 
Zurich  in  the  interest  of  sound  doctrine  brought 
the  advocates  of  these  opposing  views  face  to 
face  in  a  contest  for  the  defense  of  truth, 
with  Scripture  and  logic  as  the  chosen  weapons, 
— a  contest  in  which  many  poisoned  shafts  of  vio- 
lent passion  were  exchanged,  to  the  lasting 
shame  of  both  parties.  The  writings  of  Carlstadt 
were  being  sold  on  the  streets  of  Zurich,  and 
the  Council,  believing  that  they  contained  errors 
that  were  a  menace  to  the  peace  of  the  com- 
munity, forbade  their  sale.  Although  Zwingli 
disapproved  of  much  which  these  writings  con- 
tained, he  thought  the  act  of  the  Council  prohibit- 
ing their  sale  unwise,  and  so  expressed  himself 
publicly.  He  even  defended  Carlstadt  from  the 


*Op.  Zw.,  IV.,  pp.  3-18.     Quoted  from  Dr.  H.  E.  Jacobs'  trans- 
lation, Book  of  Concord,  II.,  pp.  159-179. 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S    SUPPER     175 

pulpit,  so  far  as  he  was  able  to  agree  with  him. 

To  Matthew  Albert,  pastor  of  Reutlingen,  who 
had  entered  with  certain  brethren  upon  a  discus- 
sion, involving  the  doctrine  of  the  eucharist, 
Zwingli  addressed  a  long  letter  in  which  he  ex- 
pressed himself  with  great  clearness  and  force 
on  this  subject.*  In  it  he  blames  Carlstadt  for 
having  circulated  among  the  people  "  a  violent 
and  ill-timed  pamphlet,"  and  although  he  ac- 
knowledges that  it  contained  many  truths,  he  la- 
ments that  they  were  put  in  a  way  calculated  to 
offend  rather  than  edify.  This  letter  to  Albert 
appears  to  have  been  Zwingli's  first  formal  con- 
tribution to  the  great  controversy. 

Simultaneous  with  this  appeared  Luther's 
treatise,  Against  the  Celestial  Prophets,  a 
wrathful  attack  on  the  views  of  the  Sacramenta- 
rians  in  which  Carlstadt  is  ridiculed  without  stint. 
Pomeranus,  Luther's  friend,  also  published  about 
this  time  a  letter  against  the  Novel  Error  of  the 
Sacranientarians,  written  in  much  the  same 
style  as  Luther's  larger  work.  When,  in  1525, 
Zwingli  dedicated  to  Francis  I.  his  Commentary 
on  the  True  and  False  Religion,  he  added  a 
lengthy  appendix  on  the  doctrine  of  the  eucha- 
rist, in  which  he  makes  a  clear  and  concise  state- 


*Ad  Mathaeum  Albertum  De  Coena  Dominica,  Op.  Zw.,  III., 
p.  589- 


1 76  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

ment  of  his  position.  (Ecolampadius,  who  until 
this  time  had  remained  silent,  after  the  publica- 
tion of  Pomeranus'  letter  could  restrain  himself 
no  longer,  and  plunged  boldly  into  the  fight  in 
support  of  Zwingli.  He  gave  to  the  world  an 
exposition  of  the  words,  "  This  is  my  body/'  in 
which  he  adduces  arguments  to  prove,  as  Zwingli 
had  previously  done,  that  the  word  is  in  this  and 
other  passages  of  the  New  Testament,  notably  the 
discourse  on  the  bread  from  heaven  in  the  sixth 
chapter  of  John's  Gospel,  is  properly  interpreted 
signifies.  This  work  he  dedicated  to  a  company 
of  Swabian  pastors,  many  of  whom  had  at  one 
time  been  his  pupils.  Luther  and  his  party  were 
greatly  astonished  and  grieved  when  they  learned 
that  QEcolampadius  had  taken  an  active  stand  with 
Zwingli.  The  Swabian  pastors  to  whom  he  had 
dedicated  the  work  came  together  and  formulated 
a  reply,  The  Sivabian  Syngramma,  in  which, 
while  they  opposed  the  views  set  forth  by 
CEcolampadius,  their  language  was  less  violent 
than  that  commonly  employed.  Luther  was 
highly  delighted  with  it,  and  prepared  an  intro- 
duction for  a  German  translation,  in  which  he 
ridiculed  the  Sacramentarians  as  having  had  re- 
course within  a  year  to  no  less  than  six  different 
expositions  of  the  words,  "  This  is  my  body." 
Zwingli,  on  the  other  hand,  regarded  it  as  a 


VIEWS   ON  THE   LORD'S   SUPPER 


177 


product  of  ignorance,  inspired  by  haughty  con- 
ceit, and  a  most  shameless  exhibition  of  disre- 
spect and  ingratitude  toward  CEcolampadius, 
their  former  teacher. 

The  Strasburgers,  who  found  themselves  sit- 
uated between  the  hostile  camps,  maintained,  as 
far  as  they  were  able,  a  neutral  policy,  and  dis- 
played a  genuine  Christian  spirit  in  their  efforts 
to  mediate,  and  repair,  if  possible,  the  breach 
which  was  daily  widening  between  the  Lutheran 
and  Helvetian  churches.  They  sent  one  of  their 
most  distinguished  scholars  to  Wittenberg  with 
instructions  to  employ  his  good  offices  for  the 
promotion  of  peace  between  the  contending  fac- 
tions. He  was  kindly  received  by  Luther,  but 
the  answer  that  was  given  to  his  friendly  over- 
tures in  behalf  of  Christian  union  and  brotherly 
love  revealed  at  once  how  deep-seated  and  bitter 
was  the  contention  and  how  hopeless  the  prospect 
of  immediate  settlement.  Luther  professed  to 
be  desirous  of  peace,  and  claimed,  furthermore, 
that  he  had  done  everything  in  his  power  to  ef- 
fect it.  He  put  forward  the  puerile  excuse  that 
he  did  not  begin  the  quarrel.  Zwingli  and 
CEcolampadius,  he  said,  by  their  pamphlets  were 
raising  a  disturbance  and  weakening  his  author- 
ity, and  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  he  would 
submit  to  it  in  silence.  He  was  requested  to 


178  ULRICH    2WINGLI 

refrain  from  railing,  yet  how  could  he  be  milder 
in  his  language  when  his  opponents  had  traduced 
him  and  his  followers  as  worshipers  of  a  "  bread 
god"  ?  Such  blasphemy,  he  declared,  he  would 
denounce  in  such  language  as  it  deserved.  He 
asserted  that  although  he  was  anxious  for  peace, 
he  would  not  purchase  it  at  the  expense  of  peace 
toward  God.  To  his  mind  either  he  or  Zwingli 
was  the  servant  of  Satan,  and  consequently  there 
could  be  no  compromise  between  them.  Luther's 
chief  strength  as  a  Reformer  consisted  in  his 
stubborn  and  courageous  adherence  to  the  de- 
mands of  conscience;  his  chief  weakness,  in  the 
dogged  intolerance  which  he  cherished  toward 
views  that  did  not  square  with  his  own  mode  of 
thinking.  In  Luther's  composition,  even  after 
he  had  passed  through  the  fierce  reformatory 
fires,  there  was  still  a  marked  residuum  of  the  old 
Romanism.  A  dogma  which  he  considered  false, 
however  honestly  held,  was  to  him  proof  of  a 
wicked  and  unregenerate  heart.  He  cautioned 
the  brethren  against  the  pernicious  errors  of  the 
Sacramentarians,  and  warned  them  of  the 
lengths  to  which  Zwingli  was  disposed  to  go  in 
his  false  teaching.  Although  in  his  calmer 
moods  he  commended  the  personal  piety  and  in- 
tegrity of  the  Swiss  Reformers,  he  asserted  that 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S    SUPPER      179 

their  errors  would  accomplish  an  infinite  amount 
of  harm,  though  they  could  never  prevail. 

These  shameful  dissensions  in  the  Reform 
camp  had  a  comforting  effect  on  the  partisans  of 
a  dismembered  and  terrified  Church.  "  How 
perilous  to  leave  the  Church,  the  mother  of 
truth !  Doubts  and  difficulties,  dissensions  and 
wars  must  inevitably  ensue/'  The  doctrine  of 
"  consubstantiation,"  as  held  by  the  Saxon  Re- 
former, being  a  less  violent  departure  from  the 
standards  of  the  Church  than  the  position  taken 
by  the  Swiss,  caused  the  Romanists  to  regard  the 
Lutherans  with  much  less  bitterness  than  their 
doctrinal  opponents.  Nothing,  however,  WHS 
farther  from  the  thoughts  of  Luther  than  com- 
promise with  Rome. 

The  controversy  so  wrought  upon  Luther's 
intense  and  combative  nature  that  the  year  1526 
found  him  in  a  state  of  nervous  collapse.  His 
physical  condition  made  him  slave  to  the  most 
violent  fits  of  melancholy.  He  felt  himself  at 
times  in  Satan's  grasp,  and  declared  that  he  and 
his  people  were  being  punished  for  their  in- 
gratitude and  contempt  of  the  Word  of  God.  At 
Wittenberg  he  preached  and  published  a  sermon 
on  the  sacrament  of  the  Supper,  in  which  he  at- 
tempted to  refute  his  opponents  and  set  forth  his 
own  views  in  language  so  simple  as  to  be  under- 


i8o  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

stood  by  the  common  people.  "  The  great  cause 
and  fountain  of  error  is  this/'  he  says :  "  Men  do 
not  adhere  strictly  to  the  words  of  Christ.  In 
these  there  is  no  ambiguity  whatever;  but  men 
give  way  to  their  own  roving  imaginations.  Fac- 
tious spirits  always  act  in  this  way.  They  first 
form  to  themselves  an  opinion  which  is  purely 
imaginary,  and  then  torture  Scripture  to  support 
that  opinion.*  This  sermon  was  followed  in  the 
early  part  of  1527  by  an  elaborate  treatise  in 
the  German  language  on  the  words:  "Take, 
eat:  this  is  my  body,"  entitled  Against  the 
Fanatics.^ 

Turning  now  to  the  Swiss,  we  find  QEcolam- 
padius'  views  clearly  set  forth  in  a  letter  to 
Zwingli.J  "  I  have  no  hesitation/'  he  says,  "  to 
own  that  the  body  of  Christ  is  present  with  the 
bread  in  the  same  manner  in  which  it  is  present 
with  the  Word  itself,  by  which  the  bread  be- 
comes a  sacrament,  and  the  Word  becomes  visi- 
ble. Those  express  themselves  well,  and  in  a 
religious  way,  who  say  that  they  come  to  the 
Lord's  Supper,  even  to  eat  of  the  body  of  Christ. 
Those  talk  profanely  and  contemptuously  who 
say  that  they  obtain  nothing  there  except  bread 
and  a  sign  of  their  Christianity.  A  believer  con- 


*De  Eucharist.  Op.  Luth.,  VII. 
tOp.   Luth.,   Walch  ed.,  XX.,  p.   53- 
JOp.  Zw.,  VIII. 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S   SUPPER     181 

siders  himself  as  treated  like  a  traitor  if  he  is 
represented  as  having  eaten  the  sacrament  only, 
and  not  the  thing  itself  which  the  sacrament  im- 
plies, although  it  be  true  that  he  receives  the 
former  with  the  mouth,  and  the  latter  with  the 
mind  of  faith."  We  find  here  the  doctrine  of  the 
"  spiritual  presence  "  clearly  expressed,  and  al- 
though CEcolampadius  lays  greater  stress  upon 
it  than  Zwingli,  it  is  unfair  to  say  that  Zwingli 
took  from  the  Supper  the  spiritual  element  be- 
cause he  placed  a  certain  emphasis  on  its  com- 
memorative use.  "  We  extol,"  he  says,  "  the 
Lord's  Supper  by  the  presence  of  Christ,  for  by 
means  of  faith  He  is  present  to  our  souls,  even 
as  the  image  of  His  crucified  body  and  shed  blood 
is  presented  to  our  consciousness." 

A  careful  and  dispassionate  study  of  the  Sacra- 
mental Controversy  cannot  fail  to  impress  one 
with  the  utter  needlessness  of  its  disastrous  ter- 
mination, permanently  dividing  as  it  did  the  en- 
tire evangelical  body  into  two  factions,  Lutheran 
and  Reformed,  thus  crippling  through  a  division 
of  forces  and  a  perversion  of  religious  energy  the 
progress  of  the  reform  work,  which,  up  to  this 
time,  had  been  prosecuted  with  such  vigor  and 
success.  In  the  early  stages  of  the  contest  the 
specific  differences  of  belief  between  the  Ger- 
mans and  the  Swiss  were  not  of  sufficient  im- 


1 82  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

portance  to  preclude  essential  harmony.  The 
fact  is,  these  excellent  men  were  at  the  start 
ignorant  and  suspicious  of  each  other's  views. 
The  true  state  of  the  question  was  lost  in  the 
heat  of  passion,  constantly  augmented  by  some 
new  violence  of  language  or  mutual  recrimina- 
tion. Luther,  who  in  his  heart  of  hearts  hated 
the  mystical  and  verbose  quibbles  of  the  scho- 
lastic philosophers,  when  pressed  to  the  wall  by 
the  clearer  reasoning  of  his  opponents,  became  a 
veritable  Zeno  in  his  use  of  subtle  and  sophistical 
distinctions.  In  violence  he  was  not  a  whit  be- 
hind Paul  the  persecutor.  He  permitted  him- 
self to  become  "  exceeding  mad  "  against  his  op- 
ponents, and  condescended  to  employ  epithets  so 
gross  as  to  put  even  that  rude  age  to  blush.  The 
candor  and  moderation  which  Zwingli  displayed 
in  the  Supper  contest  has  added  not  a  little  to  his 
fame.  It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that 
Zwingli  was  entirely  free  from  those  excesses  of 
language  for  which  Luther  has  been  so  justly 
blamed.  More  than  once  in  his  letters  he  refers 
to  his  opponents  in  terms  of  doubtful  courtesy. 
The  difference  in  education  between  these  men 
may  account  in  some  measure  for  the  marked 
contrast  between  their  methods  of  disputation. 
Zwingli  was  a  scholar,  and  had  a  mind  saturated 
with  the  learning  and  culture  derived  from  a  life- 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S    SUPPER      183 

long  study  of  the  ancient  classics.  All  this  had 
a  mellowing  effect  upon  his  heart,  and  gave 
grace  to  his  manner.  He  was  such  a  mas- 
ter of  language  that  under  shelter  of  polite 
phrases  he  could  inflict  wounds  much  deeper 
than  by  resorting  to  the  coarse  invective  of  Lu- 
ther. Zwingli's  methods  were  quite  like  those 
of  the  modern  pamphleteer.  He  was  an  adept  in 
detecting  fallacy,  in  pulling  arguments  to  pieces, 
and  understood  well  the  art  and  advantage  of 
concession  where  it  was  impossible  to  withhold 
assent. 

While  the  two  great  parties  of  the  Reformation 
were  thus  warring  against  each  other,  the  Em- 
peror Charles  and  his  brother  Ferdinand,  backed 
by  the  Roman  hierarchy,  were  busily  engaged 
formulating  plans  by  which  they  hoped  to  sup- 
press the  new  doctrine  and  restore  the  Church 
to  her  former  power.  But  the  secret  negotiations 
of  the  papal  and  imperial  representatives  were 
frustrated  and  brought  to  naught  at  a  moment 
when  to  human  eyes  it  seemed  that  the  Gospel 
cause  would  be  forever  crushed.  The  courage- 
ous and  dignified  utterances  of  the  Protest  of 
Speier,  breathing  in  every  line  the  calm  fearless- 
ness of  an  unconquerable  faith  and  absolute  loyal- 
ty to  the  Word  of  God,  proved  mightier  than  the 
intrigues  and  decrees  of  kings  and  emperors. 


184  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Germans  and  Swiss  alike  had  united  in  this  public 
protest,  or  had  given  assent  to  it,  and  Philip  of 
Hesse,  the  young  and  ardent  defender  of  the 
Reformation,  realizing  the  perils  of  the  situation, 
and  moved  equally  by  considerations  of  church 
and  state,  was  anxious  to  cement  the  union  still 
more  closely.  At  the  second  Diet  of  Speier, 
April,  1529,  preliminary  steps  had  been  taken 
for  the  formation  of  an  evangelical  alliance.  The 
Elector  of  Saxony  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse 
entered  into  a  "  secret  agreement "  with  the 
cities  of  Niirnberg,  Ulm,  Strasburg,  and  St.  Gall 
for  mutual  defense.  Strasburg  and  St.  Gall 
sympathized  with  Zwingli  on  the  eucharistic 
question,  and  so  great  were  Luther's  suspicions 
of  them  on  this  account  that  he  prevailed  on 
the  Elector  to  annul  the  compact.  Convinced 
that  the  indifference  of  the  Lutherans  to  all 
schemes  of  union  was  due  to  the  ill-feeling  and 
misunderstanding  engendered  by  the  doctrinal 
dispute  over  the  real  presence,  which  had  raged ' 
for  a  long  time,  Philip  now  proposed  to  settle 
this  bitter  and  protracted  warfare  by  inviting  the 
leaders  of  both  sides  to  meet  each  other  at  a 
conference,  where,  coming  face  to  face  in  friendly 
relations,  and  having  ample  opportunity  for  a 
free  an3  mutual  exchange  of  views,  it  was  to  be 
hoped  that  a  final  settlement  of  the  existing  dif- 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S    SUPPER      185 

ferences  would  be  reached.  To  Philip  the  only 
hope  of  political  safety  seemed  to  lie  in  the  speedy 
union  of  all  the  Reform  states  for  purposes  of  de- 
fense ;  but  the  failure  of  the  previous  attempt  ren- 
dered it  certain  that  no  alliance  could  be  effected 
until  the  questions  that  vexed  and  separated  them 
doctrinally  could  be  amicably  disposed  of.  Philip's 
proposal  of  a  friendly  conference,  inspired,  as  we 
have  good  reason  to  suspect,  by  motives  some- 
what mixed,  was,  nevertheless,  most  laudable 
and  altogether  Christian,  and  at  the  same  time 
a  thing  which  required  no  little  courage  to  exe- 
cute ;  for  the  asperity  of  Luther  by  this  time 
had  become  alarming.  "  Cursed  be  concord ; 
down  with  it  to  the  bottomless  pit !  "  *  was  his 
last  answer  to  the  pleadings  of  the  Swiss  for 
Christian  unity  and  charity.  To  this  astonishing 
display  of  passion  Zwingli  opposed  a  coolness 
quite  out  of  keeping  with  the  occasion,  and  a 
certain  respectful  formality  of  tone  which  justi- 
fied the  suspicion  that  he  was  dealing  in  irony. 
This  Luther  found  hard  to  excuse.  It  stung 
him  to  the  quick,  and  hurt  all  the  more  because  he 
realized  at  once  the  advantage  of  his  adversary's 
method,  and  his  own  clumsiness  and  inability  to 
retaliate.  Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when 


*Vide  Luther's   Wider  die  Schwarmgeister,   Op.   Luth.,  Walch 
ed.,  XX.,  p.  53. 


1 86  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Philip  stepped  forward  as  mediator.  He  invited 
the  leading  theologians  of  both  parties  to  meet 
at  Marburg.  Luther  and  his  friends  were  jealous 
of  the  Landgrave  and  disliked  the  friendly  atti- 
tude which  he  assumed  toward  the  Zwinglians. 
They  greatly  feared  that  Philip  would  become 
tainted  with  the  seductive  error  of  the  Sacra- 
mentarians,  and  bitterly  complained  among  them- 
selves of  his  cordiality  toward  them.  The  Lu- 
therans were  not  at  all  desirous  of  accepting  the 
invitation,  and  various  subterfuges  were  re- 
sorted to  as  means  of  escape.  They  finally  ac- 
ceded, however,  to  the  Landgrave's  request,  but 
with  the  threat  that  unless  the  Swiss  yielded  his 
trouble  would  be  in  vain.  Zwingli  manifested 
an  altogether  different  spirit.  He  hailed  with 
joy  the  opportunity  afforded  by  the  Prince, 
and  promised  to  be  present  in  spite  of  all  the 
difficulties  and  dangers  of  the  journey.  He  com- 
municated the  invitation  to  the  Council  of  Zu- 
rich, and  respectfully  entreated  permission  to 
visit  Marburg,  but  the  Council  fearing  some 
political  complication  which  might  disturb  the  ex- 
isting peace,  refused  to  grant  his  request.  With- 
out a  moment's  hesitation  he  determined  to  go  in 
spite  of  the  Council's  refusal.  Accordingly,  on 
the  nijght  of  September  3,  after  preparing  a  brief 
letter  explaining  to  the  Great  and  Small  Councils 


VIEWS    ON   THE   LORD'S    SUPPER      187 

his  reasons  for  disregarding  their  authority,  he 
departed  secretly  for  Marburg,  accompanied  by  a 
single  friend,  Rudolf  Collin,  professor  of  Greek 
in  the  Carolinum,  or  Great  Minster  school. 
It  is  to  Collin  that  we  are  chiefly  indebted 
for  the  record  of  what  took  place  at  the 
conference.  To  save  his  wife  from  needless 
anxiety  respecting  his  personal  safety,  Zwingli, 
on  his  departure,  allowed  her  to  think  that  he 
was  going  no  farther  than  Basel.*  The  journey 
to  Basel  was  made  on  horseback,  the  distance 
from  Zurich  being  about  sixty  miles,  and  Zwingli 
and  his  friend  arrived  there  safely,  September 
5.f  Thence,  in  company  with  CEcolampadius 
and  others,  he  proceeded  by  boat  to  Strasburg, 
where  he  arrived  the  next  day,  September  64 
Here  he  tarried  eleven  days  to  confer  with  his 
friends  and  lay  plans  for  the  coming  conference, 
and  also  to  await  the  arrival  of  Ulrich  Funk, 
Zurich's  official  delegate.  Leaving  Strasburg 
September  18,  the  company,  consisting  of 
Zwingli,  Collin,  and  Funk,  of  Zurich;  CEcolam- 
padius, of  Basel;  Butzer  and  Hedio,  of  Stras- 
burg ;  and  delegates  of  the  last  named  cities,  was 
conducted  overland  by  a  strong  escort  of  Hes- 


*For  the  correspondence  relating  to  the   Marburg   Conference 
vide  Op.  Zw.,  VIII.,  pp.  312,  319,  320,  329,  331,  333,  336,  340, 
352,    354,   394,   663,   664. 
to.,  p.  361. 
rf.,  p.  362. 


1 88  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

sian  cavalry,  through  dense  forests  and  danger- 
ous mountain  passes,  to  Marburg,  where  they 
arrived  September  27.*  Luther,  in  company 
with  his  Wittenberg  friends,  Philip  Melanch- 
thon,  Caspar  Cruciger,  and  Justus  Jonas,  entered 
the  city  the  day  following. 

Thinking  that  a  spirit  of  friendliness  would  be 
promoted  by  throwing  the  two  parties  into  each 
other's  society  as  much  as  possible,  Philip  in- 
vited all  the  disputants  to  accept  the  hospitality 
of  the  castle.  He  had  also  arranged  for  private 
interviews  between  the  parties,  preliminary  to  the 
public  and  more  formal  discussion  which  was  to 
follow.  He  deemed  it  unwise,  however,  to  bring 
the  two  leaders  together  at  the  start,  and  ac- 
cordingly arranged  that  the  preliminary  inter- 
views should  take  place  between  Luther  and 
CEcolampadius  on  the  one  hand,  and  Zwingli 
and  Melanchthon  on  the  other.  Thus  matched, 
several  hours  were  spent  in  the  discussion  of 
various  Christian  doctrines,  on  all  of  which  there 
was  substantial  agreement  except  on  the  doctrine 
of  the  Lord's  Supper.  It  was  Zwingli's  desire 
that  the  general  conference  should  be  open  to  the 
public.  Many  priests  and  scholars  from  the  sur- 
rounding districts  had  come  to  Marburg  with 


*TJie  distance  from  Zurich  to  Marburg  is  about  250  miles. 


VIEWS   ON  THE  LORD'S    SUPPER      189 

the  full  expectation  of  being  present  at  the  de- 
bate. Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  Saxon  cham-  y 
pion,  hitherto  strenuous  in  his  insistence  on  an 
open  court  whenever  his  doctrines  were  on  trial, 
now  completely  reversed  his  position.  He  firmly 
opposed  and  succeeded  in  defeating  Zwingli's 
proposal  that  the  conference  be  made  as  public 
as  possible.  After  some  discussion  on  this  point, 
a  compromise  was  finally  agreed  upon  by  which 
princes,  nobles,  theologians,  and  deputies,  and 
these  only,  were  admitted  to  the  sessions. 
Zwingli  also  wished  to  have  a  written  report 
made  of  all  the  arguments  and  speeches.  Luther  y/^ 
would  not  consent  to  this.  Those  present  were 
not  even  permitted  to  take  notes.* 

The  conference  took  place  in  one  of  the  large 
halls  f  of  the  old  castle,  which  stands  on  an  emi- 
nence in  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  overlooking  the 
valley  of  the  Lahn.  The  Landgrave  was  present 
as  an  interested  listener,  dressed  in  the  garb  of  a 
common  citizen.  Those  present  on  the  Zwing- 
lian  side  were:  Ulrich  Zwingli,  of  Zurich; 
Johann  CEcolampadius,  of  Basel ;  Martin  Butzer 


*The  disputants  made  notes  from  memory  at  the  close  of  the 
sessions.  On  these  notes  we  are  obliged  mainly  to  depend  for 
our  knowledge  of  what  was  said  and  done.  Vide  Op.  Zw.,  IV., 
PP-  J  73-204;  Bullinger,  II.,  pp.  223-239. 

tThe  many  changes  which  in  the  course  of  350  years  have 
been  made  in  the  interior  arrangements  of  Marburg  Castle  render 
it  impossible  at  the  present  day  to  identify  with  any  degree  of 
positiveness  the  room  in  which  the  conference  was  held. 


1 90  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

and  Caspar  Hedio,  of  Strasburg.  On  the  Lu- 
theran side  :  Martin  Luther,  Philip  Melanchthon, 
Justus  Jonas,  and  Caspar  Cruciger,  all  of  Witten- 
berg; Friedrich  Myconius,  of  Gotha;  Johann 
Brenz,  of  Hall  in  Swabia ;  Andreas  Osiander,  of 
Niirnberg,  and  Stephen  Agricola,  of  Augsburg. 
The  first  general  meeting  of  the  conference  oc- 
curred Saturday,  October  2.  At  the  very  out- 
set Luther  gained  an  important  advantage  over 
Zwingli  when,  in  deference  to  Luther's  wish,  it 
was  decided  that  the  colloquy  should  be  con- 
ducted in  the  German  language.  Compelled  to 
rely  upon  his  Swiss-German,  Zwingli  found  him- 
self seriously  handicapped  in  the  discussions,  for 
the  dialect  which  he  spoke  differed  so  from  the 
German  of  his  opponents  that  he  found  it  diffi- 
cult to  understand  and  to  make  himself  under- 
stood. He  had  all  along  hoped  that  the  colloquy 
would  be  conducted  in  Latin.  After  the  intro- 
ductory address  by  the  Chancellor  of  the  Land- 
grave, Luther  arose,  and  seizing  a  piece  of  chalk, 
in  the  presence  of  the  whole  assembly,  inscribed 
the  words,  "  Hoc  est  corpus  meum,"  on  the  drap- 
ery of  the  table  which  stood  in  the  center  of  the 
room.  The  act  was  symbolical.  Luther  thus  un- 
sheathed the  one  weapon  on  which  he  was  to 
rely  for  the  defense  of  his  views.  To  these  words, 
in  their  literal  significance,  he  was  again  and 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S    SUPPER      191 

again  to  revert  when  all  else  failed  him.  Luther 
opened  the  discussion,  and  in  a  long  speech  pro- 
tested that  he  differed  from  his  opponents  on  the 
doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  furthermore, 
would  always  differ,  since  Christ  clearly  says, 
"  Take,  eat :  this  is  my  body."  "  They  must 
prove/'  said  he,  "that  a  body  is  not  a  body." 
He  maintained  that  there  could  be  no  ques- 
tion about  the  meaning  of  words  so  plain.  He 
refused  to  admit  the  validity  of  any  arguments 
based  on  reason  or  mathematics.*  "  God,"  said 
he,  "  is  above  mathematics,  and  his  words  must 
be  received  with  reverence  and  obeyed."  f 

CEcolampadius  replied  to  Luther  by  quoting- 
certain  passages  from  the  sixth  chapter  of  John's 
Gospel.  With  the  words,  "  This  is  my  body,"  he 
compared,  "  I  am  the  true  vine."  From  a  carnal 
manducation  he  led  up  to  a  spiritual,  and  declared 
that  his  view  was  not  groundless  or  isolated,  but 
rested  upon  the  faith  of  Scripture. 

Luther  admitted  that  Christ  used  figurative 
language  in  the  sixth  of  John  and  elsewhere,  but 
denied  that  the  words  "  This  is  my  body  "  were 


*Quaestiones  nullas  in  tarn  apertis  verbis  admittit.  Rationem 
omnem  et  communen  sensum  cxcludit.  Argumenta  carnis,  item 
argumenta  Mathematica  rejicit.  Op.  Zw.,  IV.,  p.  175. 

fThe  account  which  follows  is  based  on  the  report  of  Rudolf 
Collin,  Zwingli's  friend  and  companion,  who  was  present  at  the 
Colloquy.  Op.  Zw.,  TV.,  pp.  173-182.  The  letters  of  M>lanchthon, 
Luther,  CEcolampadius,  Butzer,  Brenz  and  Zwingl>  have  also 
been  freely  consulted  and  drawn  upon. 


192  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

a  figure  of  speech.  "  Since  Christ  says  '  This  is,' 
it  must  be  so." 

CEcdampadius :  To  believe  that  Christ  is  in 
the  bread  is  opinion,  not  faith.  There  is  danger 
of  attributing  too  much  to  the  mere  elements. 

Lut'her:  We  are  bound  to  listen  not  so  much 
because  of  what  is  spoken,  as  because  of  Him  who 
speaks.  Since  God  speaks,  let  us  pigmies  of 
men  listen;  since  He  commands,  let  the  world 
obey,  and  let  all  of  us  reverently  kiss  the  Word. 

CEcolampadius :  Since  we  have  the  spiritual 
eating,  what  need  is  there  of  the  corporal  eating? 

Luther:  I  care  not  about  the  need,  but  since 
it  is  written,  "  Take,  eat :  this  is  my  body,"  we 
must  believe,  and  do  it  without  question. 

CEcolampadius  quoted  from  the  sixth  chapter 
of  John  the  words,  "  The  flesh  profiteth  nothing/' 
"If  the  flesh/'  said  he,  "when  eaten  profits 
nothing,  it  must  appear  to  us  " — here  Zwingli 
interposed  and  accused  Luther  of  prejudice, 
because  he  protested  that  he  would  not  be 
driven  from  his  views.  "  Comparison  is  nec- 
essary/' said  he,  "  in  the  study  of  the  Scrip- 
tures. It  is  the  Spirit  that  gives  life.  The  Spirit 
and  the  flesh  are  at  enmity  with  each  other.  God 
does  not  propound  to  us  things  that  are  unin- 
telligible. The  disciples  were  mystified  by  the 
thought  of  the  carnal  eating.  Therefore  Christ 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S   SUPPER      193 

explained  to  them  the  spiritual  significance  of  his 
words." 

Luther:  The  words  are  not  ours,  but  the 
Lord's ;  let  them  be  obeyed.  By  means  of  these 
words  the  hand  of  the  priest  becomes  the  hand 
of  Christ.  I  will  not  argue  as  to  whether  is  means 
signifies.  It  is  enough  for  me  that  Christ  says, 
"  This  is  my  body."  To  raise  questions  about 
this  is  to  fall  away  from  the  faith.  Wherefore 
believe  the  plain  words,  and  give  glory  to  God. 

Zwingli:  We  indeed  implore  that  you  glorify 
God  by  abandoning  your  main  proposition.  I 
would  ask  whether  you  believe  that  Christ  in  the 
sixth  chapter  of  John  desired  to  reply  to  the  ques- 
tion addressed  to  him? 

Luther:  We  take  no  account  of  that  passage ; 
it  has  no  bearing  on  the  subject  in  hand. 

Zwingli:  No?  Why,  that  passage  breaks  your 
neck.* 

Luther's  proclivity  for  literalness  of  interpre- 
tation now  took  an  amusing  turn.  He  received 
Zwingli's  jocose  remark  as  a  threat  of  personal 
violence,  and  addressing  his  friends  complained 
bitterly  of  the  murderous  intimation  of  his  op- 
ponent.f  Zwingli  laughingly  explained  that  his 


*Netn.  nein:  hie  locus  (tuta  lohan.  6  cap.}  bricht  euch  den 
hals  ab.  Op.  Zw.,  IV.,  p.  177. 

^Ruh-mt  euch  nicht  zu  sehr^  ihr  seit  in  Hessen,  und  nicht  in 
Schweitz.  Die  hals  brechend  nicht  also.  Ibid. 


i94  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

language  was  figurative,  and  had  reference  to  his 
opponent's  arguments. 

CEcolampadius  now  gave  the  argument  a 
Christological  turn.  "The  Church,"  said  he, 
"  was  founded  on  the  words,  '  Thou  art  the  Son 
of  God/  and  not  on  the  words,  '  This  Is  my 
body/  " 

Luther:  I  do  not  hold  to  this  in  vain.  To  me 
it  is  sufficient  that  Christ  says,  "This  is 
my  body/'  I  confess  that  his  body  is  in  heaven, 
and  that  it  is  in  the  sacrament  also.  I  care  not 
if  it  be  contrary  .to  nature,  provided  it  is  not  con- 
trary to  faith. 

CEcolampadius:  In  all  things  He  was  made 
like  unto  us.  As  He  is  wholly  like  the  Father  in 
His  divine  nature,  so  He  is  wholly  like  us  in  His 
human  nature. 

Luther:  "  The  poor  always  ye  have  with 
you ;  but  me  ye  have  not  always,"  is  the  strongest 
argument  you  have  advanced  to-day.  Christ  is 
as  substantially  in  the  sacrament  as  when  He  was 
born  of  the  Virgin.  Faith  needs  no  figures  of 
speech. 

CEcolampadius:  We  know  not  Christ  after  the 
flesh. 

Melanchthon:  After  our  flesh. 

CEcolampadius:  You  will  not  admit  a  meta- 
phor in  the  words  of  institution,  and  yet  con- 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S   SUPPER      195 

trary  to  the  Catholic  conception  you  allow  a 
synecdoche. 

Luther:  In  a  sword  and  its  scabbard  we  have 
an  example  of  synecdoche.  "  This  is  my  body." 
The  body  is  in  the  bread,  just  as  the  sword  is  in 
the  scabbard. 

Zwingli  (quoting  from  the  Epistles)  :  "  God 
sent  his  own  Son  in  the  likeness  of  sinful  flesh." 
"  He  was  made  like  unto  his  brethren."  There- 
fore we  must  conclude  that  Christ  had  a  finite 
humanity,  and  if  his  body  is  on  high  it  exists  in 
one  place.  [He  here  quoted  from  Augustine, 
Fulgentius,  and  others.]  We  must  affirm,  there- 
fore, that  Christ's  body  is  in  one  place,  and  can- 
not be  in  many. 

Luther:  In  like  manner  you  might  prove  that 
Christ  had  a  wife,  and  that  his  eyes  were  black.* 
As  to  his  being  in  one  place,  I  have  already  de- 
clared to.  you,  and  I  now  repeat,  I  care  nothing 
for  mathematics. 

Zwingli  began  quoting  additional  passages 
from  the  Greek  text  to  prove  the  finite-ness  of 
Christ's  nature.  Luther,  interrupting  him,  re- 
quested that  he  employ  either  Latin  or  German 
instead  of  Greek.  "  Pardon  me,"  answered 


*Per  omnia  similis:    Ergo  hdbuit  MX  or  em,  und  schwarz    ouglein. 
Op.  Zw.,  IV.,  p.  179. 


196  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Zwingli,  "  for  twelve  years  I  have  read  the  New 
Testament  in  Greek." 

Luther:  As  in  the  case  of  a  nut  and  its  shell, 
so  in  the  case  of  Christ's  body.  I  concede  its 
finiteness.  But  God  can  cause  it  to  exist  in  a 
place  and  not  in  a  place  at  the  same  time. 

As  soon  as  Luther  conceded  that  Christ's  body 
was  finite,  Zwingli  caught  him  up  and  said: 
"  Therefore  it  is  local,  exists  in  a  place,  and  if  so, 
it  is  in  heaven,  and  hence  cannot  be  in  the  bread." 
Luther  would  not  admit  that  it  existed  in  a  place, 
saying :  "  Ich  will  es  nicht  gehebt  haben,  ich  will 
sie  nichts."  (I  will  not  allow  it,  I  positively  will 
not.) 

Zwingli  retorted:  " Muoss  man  dann  grad 
alles,  was  ihr  wollend?  "  (Must  everything  be  as 
you  will  it  ?)  * 

Fortunately,  as  Collin  informs  us,  they  were 
interrupted  at  this  exciting  juncture  by  a  servant 
of  the  Prince,  who  announced  that  dinner  was 
served. 

When  the  theologians  assembled  at  the  next 
session,  Zwingli  resumed  the  discussion  where 
they  had  left  off.  "  Christ's  body  is  finite,"  said 
he,  "  therefore  it  exists  in  a  place." 

Luther:   Although  it  is  in  the  sacrament,  it  is 


*Op.  Zw.,  IV.,  p.   179. 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S   SUPPER      197 

not  there  as  in  a  place.  God  could  so  dispose  of 
my  body  that  it  would  not  be  in  a  place ;  for  the 
sophists  say  that  a  body  can  exist  in  several 
places  at  the  same  time ;  e.g.,  the  earth  is  a  body, 
yet  it  does  not  exist  in  one  place. 

Zwingli:  You  argue  from  the  possible  to  the 
impossible.  Prove  to  me  that  the  body  of  Christ 
can  exist  in  several  places  at  the  same  time. 

Luther:  "  This  is  my  body." 

Zwingli:  You  repeatedly  beg  the  question.  I 
might  thus  contend  that  John  was  the  son  of 
Mary,  for  Christ  said,  "  Behold  thy  son."  We 
must  ever  teach,  forsooth,  that  Christ  said,  "  Ecce 
filius  tuus,  ecce  filius  tuus ! "  Behold  thy  son, 
behold  thy  son !) 

Luther:  I  do  not  beg  the  question. 

Zwingli:  Scripture  must  be  compared  with 
Scripture  and  expounded  by  itself.  Tell  me, 
pray,  whether  Christ's  body  exists  in  a  place. 

Brenz:  It  does  not. 

Zwingli:  Augustine  says  that  it  must  exist 
in  a  single  place. 

Luther:  Augustine  was  not  speaking  of  the 
Supper.  The  body  of  Christ  is  present  in  the 
Supper,  but  not  locally  present. 

(Ecolampadius :  If  that  is  so  it  cannot  be  a 
true  body.  [CEcolampadius  began  quoting  from 
Augustine  and  Fulgentius.] 


198  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Luther:  You  have  Augustine  and  Fulgentius 
on  your  side,  but  the  rest  of  the  Fathers  support 
our  views. 

"  Please  name  them,"  said  CEcolampadius. 
Luther  refused,  but  afterward  prepared  a  list  of 
references  to  passages  in  the  Fathers  which  he 
thought  favorable  to  his  views. 

It  became  evident  to  all  that  further  discussion 
would  be  vain,  and  it  was  agreed  to  close  at 
this  point.  The  fruitlessness  of  the  conference 
was  a  great  disappointment  to  the  Landgrave. 
He  urged  the  disputants  to  come  to  some  partial 
agreement  at  least.  "  There  is  but  one  way  to 
effect  that,"  said  Luther.  "  Let  our  opponents 
accept  our  views."  "  That  we  cannot  do,"  re- 
plied the  Swiss.  Thus  ended  the  discussion. 
Zwingli  had  looked  forward  to  this  meeting  with 
strong  hope  of  a  final  settlement  of  the  differ- 
ences which  divided  the  Protestant  Church,  and 
was  now  overcome  with  disappointment.  He 
sat  apart  from  his  friends  and  shed  tears  in  si- 
lence, while  the  Landgrave  and  the  Hessian 
divines  redoubled  their  activities  in  a  final  ef- 
fort to  bring  about  an  amicable  agreement. 
The  Landgrave  summoned  the  theologians  in 
turn  to  his  private  apartment  and  was  unremit- 
ting in  his  entreaties  that  they  recognize  each 
other  as  brethren,  and  thus  put  an  end  to  the 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S   SUPPER      199 

great  scandal  of  Christendom.  At  the  final  meet- 
ing Zwingli,  who  was  even  more  desirous  of 
peace  than  the  Landgrave,  came  forward  and 
said :  "  Let  us  confess  to  the  world  the  points 
in  which  we  agree,  and  as  for  the  rest,  let  us  treat 
each  other  as  brethren."  This  speech  met  the 
approval  of  the  Prince,  and  he  urged  the  Lu- 
therans to  comply.  With  tears  in  his  eyes 
Zwingli  approached  Luther  and  held  out  his 
hand.*  Profound  emotions  stirred  the  hearts  of 
all  present  as  they  watched  in  silence  the  move- 
ments of  their  respective  chiefs.  Luther  rejected 
the  proffered  hand,  saying  as  he  did  so :  "  You 
have  a  different  spirit  from  ours."  f  After  a  brief 
consultation  with  his  friends  he  added:  "You 
do  not  belong  to  the  communion  of  the  Christian 
Church.  We  cannot  acknowledge  you  as  breth- 
ren." Melanchthon  expressed  amazement  that 
the  Swiss,  believing  as  they  did,  should  desire  at 
the  same  time  to  maintain  fraternal  relations  with 
them.J  "  What  fickleness !  "  exclaimed  Brenz. 
"  These  men  who  a  little  while  ago  charged  us 
with  being  worshipers  of  a  bread  god,  desire  now 
to  fraternize  with  us."  § 

*Op.  Zw.,  IV.,  p.   190. 

t//ir  habt  einen  anderen  Geist  als  wir. 

iMirum  nobis  videri,  qua  conscientia  pro  fratribus  habere  nos 
possint,  quos  errare  in  doctrina  statuant.  Mel.  ad  Prin.  Elec. 
Sax.  Op.  Zw.,  IV.,  p.  186. 

$Nos  admirati  hominunt  illorum  varietatem,  qui  paulo  anti  suis 
scriptis  nos  tanquam  adoratores  panifici  Dei  traduxerant,  nunc 
vero  fraternitatem  et  communionem  nostram  peterent.  Ibid., 
p.  203. 


200  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Far  from  entertaining  any  such  vindictive  and 
unbrotherly  feeling,  the  Swiss  were  willing  to 
forget  all  the  sharp  things  that  had  been  said  in 
the  heat  of  the  argument,  and  to  make  every  con- 
sistent advance  in  the  interest  of  peace.  While 
they  refused  to  surrender  their  convictions,  and 
boldly  asserted  as  their  honest  belief  that  the 
doctrine  of  their  opponents  struck  at  the  glory 
of  Christ,  they  had  the  Christian  charity  to  con- 
cede that  conscience  compelled  the  Lutherans  to 
differ  from  them,  and  that  being  true,  they  ac- 
knowledged that  they  had  no  right  to  force  their 
views  upon  them.  Zwingli  and  his  friends  had 
done  all  that  it  was  possible  for  them  to  do. 
"  We  are  conscious,"  said  Butzer,  "  of  having 
acted  as  in  God's  presence.  Posterity  will  be  our 
judge."  *  Philip  and  the  Hessian  divines  once 
more  urged  the  Lutherans  to  accept  the  hand  of 
friendship  proffered  by  the  Swiss.  "  While  I 
cannot  recognize  you  as  brethren,"  said  Luther, 
"  I  confess  that  I  ought  not  to  refuse  you  the 
charity  which  a  Christian  owes  even  to  his  ene- 
mies." Such  a  concession  was  nothing  less  than 
an  insult.  The  noble  and  kindhearted  Zwingli 
was  stung  by  it,  but  his  magnanimity  enabled 
him  to  thrust  his  feelings  aside  and  accept  with 


*Ipsi  quidem  nobis  coram  Deo  conscii  sumus,  acti. 
Id  testabitur  posteritas.     Op.  Zw.,  IV.,  p.  194. 


VIEWS    ON    THE   LORD'S    SUPPER      201 

fervent  heartiness  the  hand  which  Luther  offered 
him.  At  the  sight  of  this  the  theologians  of  both 
sides  advanced  toward  each  other  and  the  hand- 
shaking became  general.  Luther  himself,  hard 
and  unyielding  as  he  had  proved,  was  touched  by 
what  he  witnessed.  "  Truly,"  said  he,  in  writing 
to  a  friend,  "  much  of  the  scandal  has  been  done 
away  by  the  suppression  of  our  violent  debates. 
It  is  more  than  we  could  have  hoped  for."  The 
Landgrave,  greatly  pleased  by  what  he  saw,  now 
tactfully  urged  the  Reformers  to  draw  up  a  report 
of  the  colloquy,  embodying  the  principal  doctrines 
of  the  Christian  faith  on  which  they  agreed.  Tov 
this  they  readily  assented,  and  Luther  was  chosen 
to  draft  the  articles.  He  retired  to  a  room  and 
carefully  wrote  out  fifteen  articles  on  the  points 
of  the  Reformed  doctrine  which  seemed  to  him 
the  most  essential.  They  read  as  follows : 

1.  We  believe  and  maintain  that  there  is  only 
one  true  and  natural   God,  the  Creator  of  all 
things,  one  in  essence  and  nature,  three  in  per- 
son— Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit,  as  decreed 
by  the  Council  of  Nice  and  as  it  has  been  read 
and  sung  by  the  whole  Christian  Church  in  the 
Nicean  Creed. 

2.  We  believe  that  neither  the  Father  nor  the 
Holy  Spirit,  but  the  Son  of  God  the  Father,  who 
was  true   God,  became  man,  and  through  the 


202  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

working  of  the  Holy  Spirit  without  the  act  of 
man,  was  born  of  the  pure  Virgin  Mary,  after 
the  flesh,  perfect  in  body  and  soul  like  other  men, 
yet  without  sin. 

3.  That   this    God   and   Son   of   Mary,   Jesus 
Christ,  inseparable  in  person,  was  crucified  for 
us,  was  dead  and  buried,  arose  from  the  tomb, 
ascended  into  heaven,  and  sits  at  the  right  hand 
of  God,  Lord  over  all  creatures,  from  whence  he 
shall  come  to  judge  the  quick  and  the  dead. 

4.  We   believe   that   original    sin   propagated 
from  Adam  to  us  through  natural  generation  is 
such  in  nature  as  to  involve  the  condemnation  of 
all  men,  and  that  unless  Christ  had  intervened  by 
his  life  and  death,  eternal  death  must  have  been 
our  lot,  and  we  could  never  have  entered  the 
kingdom  of  God,  nor  attained  eternal  blessed- 
ness. 

5.  We  believe  that  we  are  redeemed  and  freed 
from  original  sin  and  all  other  sins,  and  from 
eternal  death,  through  faith  in  the  Son  of  God, 
Jesus  Christ,  who  died  for  us ;   without  this  faith 
we  cannot  be  freed  from  any  sin,  through  any 
work  or  ceremony  whatever. 

6.  That  this  faith  is  the  gift  of  God,  which  we 
acquire  by  no  innate  or  outward  merit  or  work, 
nor  through  any  power  of  our  own,  but  that  the 
Holy  Spirit  gives  it,  and  works  it  in  our  hearts, 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S    SUPPER      203 

how  He  wills,  when  we  hear  the  Gospel  on  the 
word  of  Christ. 

7.  That  this  faith  is  our  justification  before 
God,  on  account  of  which  God  regards  us  as  just, 
righteous,    and   holy,   without    any    meritorious 
works  of  our  own;    and  that  through  this  faith 
He  frees  us  from  sin,  death,  and  perdition,  re- 
ceives us  into  favor,  and  saves  us  for  his  Son's 
sake,  on  whom  we  believe,  by  which  belief  we  are 
made  partakers  of  the  benefits  of  justification  and 
life  through   Christ.     Therefore  all   ceremonies 
and  vows  which  are  deemed  necessary  to  salva- 
tion are  damnable. 

8.  That  the  Holy  Spirit,  to  speak  spiritually, 
grants  this  faith  and  His  gifts  to  none  without 
the  previous  preaching  of  the  Word,  or  Gospel  of 
Christ;  but  that  through  and  with  the  Word  He 
works    faith    where,    and    in    whom    he    wills. 
(Rom.  X.) 

9.  That  baptism  is  a  sacrament,  appointed  of 
God  for  the  awakening  of  such  faith.    And  since 
God  commands,  "  Go  ye  and  baptize,"  and  His 
promise,  "  He  that  believeth,"  etc.,  is  included 
in  baptism,  it  is  not  a  mere  sign  and  mark  among 
Christians,  but  a  sign  and  work  of  God  in  which 
cur  faith  is  required,  and  through  which  we  are 
regenerated. 

10.  That  this  faith  through  the  work  of  the 


204  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Holy  Spirit,  after  we  have  arrived  at  justifica- 
tion and  sanctification,  produces  good  works 
through  us,  e.g.,  love  for  our  neighbor,  devotion 
to  God,  and  patience  under  affliction. 

11.  That  confession  or  the  seeking  of  counsel 
[and  absolution]  from  a  pastor  or  neighbor  is  not 
required,  but  ought  to  be  done  freely,  since  it  is 
useful  for  anxious,  tempted  and  perplexed  con- 
sciences, principally  on  account  of  Gospel  con- 
solation, which  is  the  true  absolution. 

12.  That  the  magistracy,  civil  laws,  courts,  and 
state  ordinances,  wherever  they  exist  are  legiti- 
mate and  wholesome,  and  not  forbidden,  as  cer- 
tain papists  and  Anabaptists  believe  and  teach; 
but  that  the  Christian  who  is  chosen  and  born 
to  a  civil  office  can  be  saved  through  faith  in 
Christ,  just  as  in  the  case  of  family  government 
the  father  or  mother  as  ruler  of  the  household 
can  be  saved. 

13.  So-called    traditions,    and    churchly   ordi- 
nances appointed  by  man,  when  they  do  not  con- 
flict with  the  revealed  Word  of  God,  we  are  at 
liberty  to   hold  or   abandon,   according  to  the 
beliefs  of  those  with  whom  we  are  surrounded. 
And  here  it  is  our  duty  to  avoid  giving  offense, 
and  to  endeavor  to  promote  peace.    The  prohibi- 
tion of  the  marriage  of  priests  is  a  doctrine  of 
devils. 


VIEWS   ON   THE   LORD'S   SUPPER      205 

14.  That   infant   baptism    is   necessary,    since 
thereby  children  are  received  into  God's  grace 
and  into  the  bosom  of  the  Church. 

15.  We  all  believe  and  hold  in  regard  to  the 
Supper  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  it  ought 
to  be  dispensed  in  both  kinds  according  to  its 
institution;    that  the  mass   is  not  a  work   by 
which  one  can  obtain  for  another,  be  he  dead  or 
alive,  mercy;   that  the  sacrament  of,  the  altar  is 
the  sacrament  of  the  true  body  and  blood  of 
Jesus  Christ;    and  that  the  spiritual  partaking 
of  this  true  body  and  blood  is  especially  needful 
to  every  Christian.    In  like  manner  we  agree  in 
regard  to  the  use  of  the  sacrament,  that  just  as 
the  Word,  so  the  sacrament  delivered  and  or- 
dained of  God  moves  weak  consciences  to  faith 
and  love  through  the  Holy  Spirit.    And  although 
we  cannot  come  to  an  agreement  at  this  time  as 
to  whether  the  real  body  and  blood  of  Christ  are 
corporeally  present  in  the  bread  and  wine  of  the 
Lord's    Supper,    yet    each   party   will    manifest 
toward  the  other  Christian  love,  so  far  as  con- 
science permits,  and  both  will  earnestly  suppli- 
cate Almighty  God  to  confirm  us  in  the  true  be- 
lief by  His  Holy  Spirit.    Amen.* 

In  drafting  these  articles  Luther  adhered  rig- 


*Op.  Zw.,  IV.,  pp.   181,  182. 


206  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

idly  to  his  own  doctrinal  views,  hardly  expecting 
that  they  would  be  accepted  by  the  Swiss.  To 
his  great  surprise  the  Swiss  accepted  the  results 
of  his  work  without  question,  and  even  expressed 
themselves  as  highly  pleased  with  it,  thus  prov- 
ing what  Zwingli  had  ever  maintained,  i.e.,  that 
he  agreed  with  Luther  on  every  point  of  doctrine 
except  the  Lord's  Supper.  The  few  changes 
which  the  Swiss  suggested  were  of  a  rhetorical 
nature,  and  in  no  way  affected  the  doctrinal  sense 
of  the  propositions.*  The  theologians  of  both 
parties  now  solemnly  subscribed  their  names  to 
this  document,  that  the  world  might  be  informed 
of  what  had  taken  place  at  Marburg.  Both  par- 
ties agreed  that  there  should  be  an  end  of  the 
violent  and  abusive  language  which  had  char- 
acterized the  controversy  from  the  beginning. 
Thus  the  chief  reproach  was  done  away.  The 
faith  and  courage  of  the  Reformers,  moreover, 
were  greatly  strengthened  by  witnessing  at  this 
meeting  the  wondrous  way  in  which  God  had 
led  both  parties  independently  to  substantially 
the  same  result  in  the  development  of  the  truth. 
Henceforth  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  the 
Lutherans  and  Zwinglians  were  fighting  for  the 
same  ends;  and  although  they  were  unable  to 


*Op.  ZwM  IV.,  pp.  181, 182. 


VIEWS   ON  THE  LORD'S   SUPPER      207 

come  to  entire  agreement  on  the  doctrine  of  the 
Supper,  they  succeeded  in  defining  their  posi- 
tion with  respect  to  the  papacy. 

Philip  of  Hesse  had  failed  to  unite  the  Ger- 
mans and  Swiss  in  a  defensive  league,  and  was 
therefore  disappointed  in  his  main  purpose.  Not- 
withstanding this,  the  Marburg  Articles,  as  a 
declaration  of  doctrinal  agreement,  afforded  a 
large  measure  of  consolation,  and  caused  him  to 
feel  that  the  colloquy  had  not  been  in  vain. 

On  the  last  day  of  the  conference  the  Land- 
grave invited  all  the  theologians  to  dine  with 
him  at  the  Castle.  In  this  friendly  manner  the 
conference  closed.  Luther  and  his  party  left 
Marburg  the  next  day,  October  5.  His  jour- 
ney home  was  not  a  pleasant  one,  if  we  accept 
his  own  account  of  it.  He  says  in  a  letter  that 
he  suffered  the  torture  of  intense  spiritual  de- 
jection, and  was  so  vexed  by  Satan  that  he  de- 
spaired of  ever  seeing  his  wife  again.* 

Zwingli  reached  home  on  the  igth  of  October. 
In  reporting  the  conference  at  Zurich  he  claimed 
the  victory  for  himself.  "  The  truth,"  said  he, 
"  has  so  manifestly  gained  the  victory  that  if  the 
shameless  and  obstinate  Luther  be  not  beaten, 
there  never  was  anyone  beaten,  although  he. 


*Luth.  Ep.,  III.,  p.  520. 


208  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

never  ceases  boasting  to  the  contrary."  Despite 
the  boasting  of  both  leaders,  they  refrained,  as 
they  had  agreed  to  do,  from  the  unseemly  abuse 
in  which  they  had  so  freely  indulged  previous  to 
the  conference.  Both  branches  of  the  Protes- 
tant Church  now  enjoyed  a  season  of  compara- 
tive peace.  This  calm  was  of  short  duration, 
for,  in  the  spring  of  1530,  the  Emperor  Charles 
V.,  after  passing  the  winter  at  Bologna  as  guest 
of  the  Pope,  crossed  the  Alps  for  the  pur- 
pose of  holding  the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  having 
previously  promised  the  papal  ambassador  to  use 
all  the  means  in  his  power  for  the  extirpation  of 
heresy  throughout  the  empire.  Neither  of  the 
great  Protestant  leaders  attended  the  Diet,  but 
both  were  represented  by  leading  theologians. 
After  Melanchthon  had  presented  to  the  Emperor 
the  Augsburg  Confession,  Butzer  and  Capito  of- 
fered a  creed  which  they  had  drafted  in  behalf 
of  the  four  imperial  cities  of  South  Germany — 
Strasburg,  Constance,  Memmingen  and  Lindau 
— and  hence  called  the  Tetrapolitan  Confession. 
Zwingli  also  sent  to  the  Diet,  by  special  mes- 
senger, a  confession  of  his  own.*  Strenuous  at- 
tempts were  made  to  bring  about  a  reconcilia- 
tion between  the  Lutherans  and  Romanists.  A 


*Ad  Carolum  Romanorum  Imperatorem  Germaniae  Comitia 
'Augustae  Celebrantem  Fidei  H.  Zuinglii  Ratio.  Op.  Zw.,  IV., 
pp.  1-18. 


VIEWS   ON  THE  LORD'S   SUPPER      209 

commission  was  appointed  for  this  purpose,  and 
Eck  and  Melanchthon,  who  were  members  of 
it,  strove  together  for  some  plan  of  compromise. 
All  efforts  in  this  direction  proved  unavailing,  and 
Butzer  and  Capito  seized  upon  this  circum- 
stance as  a  favorable  opportunity  to  attempt 
once  more  the  complete  union  of  Lutherans  and 
Zwinglians.  In  the  Tetrapolitan  Confession, 
without  denying  Zwingli's  view,  they  had  adopted 
the  following  ambiguous  formula  on  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Lord's  Supper :  "  Christ  gives  in  ^ 
the  Supper  his  true  body  and  true  blood,  to  be 
truly  eaten  and  drunk,  as  a  food  of  the  soul." 
With  this  creedal  statement  before  him  Butzer 
drew  up  a  formula  in  which  he  set  forth  the 
doctrine  with  clearness,  but  made  no  attempt  to 
define  the  nature  of  the  presence,  thus  leaving 
each  party  free  to  interpret  it  according  to  its 
own  views.  Melanchthon  and  Brenz  seemed  fa- 
vorable to  this  proposal,  and  Butzer  accordingly 
set  out  to  visit  Luther  at  Coburg  and  obtain  his 
assent  if  possible.  Luther  received  him  kindly, 
but  influenced  by  the  suspicion  that  the  Swiss 
would  not  consent  to  such  a  statement,  and 
chiefly  by  his  dislike  for  the  factitious  character 
of  the  whole  affair,  he  firmly  declined  to  sub- 
scribe to  it.  To  his  mind  the  dispute  was  far 
from  one  of  mere  words.  Zwingli  was  even  more 


OF 


2io  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

emphatic  than  Luther  in  his  rejection  of  Butzer's 
plan.  His  truth-loving  soul  was  repelled  by  any- 
thing that  had  the  appearance  of  sham.  While 
admitting  that  he  could  find  his  views  expressed 
in  Butzer's  formula  by  accepting  the  adjective 
true  in  the  Platonic  sense  in  which  John  uses  it 
in  his  Gospel — "  That  was  the  true  light,"  etc., 
i.e.,  the  supersensual  and  eternal,  as  over 
against  the  sense-perceptible,  and  the  scholastic 
realism  of  Luther — nevertheless  Butzer's  at- 
tempt was  plainly  artificial,  and  Zwingli's  Chris- 
tian sense  would  not  suffer  him  to  countenance 
such  manifest  equivocation.  Thus,  while  rec- 
ognizing the  friendly  and  well-meant  efforts  of 
the  Strasburgers,  both  Reformers  rejected  their 
proposals  with  the  hope  and  prayer  that  at  some 
time  a  real  union  might  be  effected.  After  Lu- 
ther's death,  Melanchthon,  who  had  all  along 
entertained  a  more  liberal  view  than  his  distin- 
guished colleague,  arrived  at  conclusions  which 
approached  very  nearly  the  doctrine  of  Zwingli. 
He  contented  himself  with  Paul's  words,  "  The 
bread  that  we  break,  is  it  not  the  communion  of 
the  body  of  Christ?  "  He  deprecated  all  further 
discussion  of  the  subject  and  advised  his  Prince, 
the  Elector  Frederick,  of  the  Palatinate,  to  dis- 
miss all  strife-loving  clergymen  from  their  pul- 
pits. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

POLITICO-RELIGIOUS  COMPLICATIONS.  —  DEVEL- 
OPMENTS PREJUDICIAL  TO  THE  REFORM  CAUSE. 
— BEGINNING  OF  EVENTS  WHICH  PRESAGED 
DISASTER. — THE  FIRST  WAR  OF  CAPPEL. 

AT  the  close  of  a  previous  chapter  it  was  in- 
timated that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Forest  Can- 
tons, or  "  Five  Places,"  impressed  with  a  sense 
of  their  weakness  and  inability  to  resist  the  en- 
croachments of  a  movement  which  was  winning 
new  triumphs  daily  and  boldly  threatening  to 
exterminate  the  ancient  and  time-honored  faith, 
began  in  their  distress  to  cast  about  for  succor. 
Involuntarily  they  began  to  look  beyond  the 
Swiss  border  and  to  conjure  up  pleasant  pictures 
of  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  a  defensive 
alliance  with  some  powerful  neighboring  State. 
But  let  us  first  pause  to  recount  certain 
doings  of  deep  significance  in  the  camp 
of  the  Reformers  which  may  have  been 
in  no  slight  degree  the  provocation  of  the  dis- 
honor into  which  the  Five  Places  fell  when  they 
negotiated  an  alliance  with  their  hereditary  ene- 
mies and  sought  their  aid  against  their  own 


212  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

brethren  and  confederates.  Hitherto  the  Zu- 
richers  had  placed  their  trust  in  God  alone,  as- 
sured that  he  would  show  himself  strong  in  de- 
fense of  his  truth,  and  in  vindication  of  the  pure 
Gospel  which  they  were  seeking  to  establish.  In 
the  first  year  of  his  Zurich  ministry  Zwingli's 
voice  was  frequently  heard  earnestly  exhorting 
the  people  to  rest  upon  God  alone  as  their  rock 
of  confidence.  But  the  Reform  had  made 
marked  progress  in  certain  neighboring  towns 
of  Switzerland  and  South  Germany,  and  Zwingli's 
natural  instinct  for  organization  led  him  to  feel 
that  much  could  be  gained  by  effecting  some 
sort  of  union  or  alliance  with  those  munici- 
palities which  had  declared  for  Reform.  Accord- 
ingly, Zurich,  at  the  instance  of  Zwingli,  pro- 
posed the  formation  of  an  alliance  for  the  defense 
of  civil  privileges.*  "  God  is  well  pleased/' 
writes  he  in  referring  to  the  matter,  "  when  those 
of  one  mind  combine  in  unity  and  fidelity  in  the 
Lord's  contest.  .  .  .  The  word  of  God  can- 
not indeed  be  upheld  by  human  power,  but  by 
God's  power  alone;  notwithstanding,  God  uses 
man  as  an  instrument  to  grant  the  aids  of  his 
grace  to  other  men.  If  God  favors  the  forma - 


•According  to  Hottinger,  the  Five  Places  (Uri,  Schwyz,  Unter- 
walden,  Zug,  and  Lucerne)  by  ancient  treaty  were  precluded  from 
entering  upon  an  alliance  with  other  States  without  the  consent 
of  all  the  Confederates.  Zurich  and  Bern,  when  they  joined  the 
Confederacy,  had  reserved  the  right  of  so  doin" 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS   COMPLICATIONS    2I3 

tion  of  a  Christian  union,  it  is  evident  that  he  will 
employ  it  for  a  good  purpose."  In  the  imperial 
city  of  Constance  the  Gospel  had  made  rapid 
progress  through  the  active  labors  of  John  Wan- 
ner and  Thomas  Blarer,  friends  of  Zwingli,  with 
whom  he  kept  himself  in  constant  touch.  Such 
strength  had  the  Reform  acquired  that  the  Bishop 
and  the  majority  of  the  canons,  impelled  either 
by  disgust  or  fear  for  their  personal  safety,  had 
abandoned  the  city  and  appealed  to  the  Emperor 
for  redress.  In  response  to  this  appeal  the 
Austrian  vicegerent  of  the  neighboring  districts 
made  a  demonstration  before  the  gates  of  the 
city,  and  Constance  in  this  hour  of  peril  applied 
to  Zurich  for  assistance.  The  result  of  the  ne- 
gotiations was  a  secret  treaty  of  alliance,  con- 
cluded on  the  25th  of  December,  1527.*  This 
alliance  was  called  the  "  Christian  Burgher 
Rights."  The  parties  pledged  to  each  other  mu- 
tual aid  in  case  they  were  attacked  for  reasons 
pertaining  to  religious  faith,  and  bound  them- 
selves to  further  and  protect  the  free  preaching 
of  the  Gospel  within  the  bounds  of  their  respec- 
tive 'territories.  Zwingli  found  that  the  imme- 
diate effect  of  this  treaty  was  to  add  to  his  un- 
rest, for  it  raised  up  a  great  host  of  personal 


*Christoffel,  p.  402.     As  early  as  July,  1527,  the  Five  Places 
had  begun  treaty  negotiations  with  Austria. 


214  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

enemies.  He  had  now  entered  upon  the  policy 
which  was  to  prove  so  disastrous  to  the  Gospel 
and  fatal  to  himself,  and  the  storm  of  opposition 
which  it  aroused  might  well  have  frightened  a 
more  resolute  man  and  caused  him  to  turn 
back  in  time  to  avert  the  impending  calamity. 
The  lion-hearted  leader  of  Zurich,  however,  fully 
persuaded  that  he  was  following  the  counsel  and 
will  of  God,  without  a  tremor  pressed  onward 
in  the  course  which  culminated  in  his  ruin.  From 
this  time  forth  his  public  labors  are  preeminently 
those  of  a  statesman  and  diplomat  rather  than 
of  a  preacher  of  the  Gospel.  The  deep  patriot- 
ism which  had  ever  characterized  and  animated 
his  life,  together  with  his  republican  training, 
made  it  easy  for  him  to  hopelessly  confuse  re- 
ligion with  affairs  of  state.  A  further  extenua- 
tion of  his  course  is  found  in  the  example  and 
precedent  established  for  centuries  by  the  Church 
of  Rome.  Zwingli  firmly  believed  that  a  crisis 
had  been  reached  in  which  safety  was  to  be  hoped 
for  in  political  measures  only.  He  therefore 
assumed  the  role  of  a  statesman,  and  from  this 
time  until  his  death  was  virtually  dictator  of  Zu- 
rich, and  exercised  at  the  same  time  a  command- 
ing influence  in  other  Reform  cantons.  He  took 
a  leading  part  in  all  public  deliberations.  His 
advice  was  sought  in  all  matters  of  importance 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS  COMPLICATIONS   215 

and  his  services  were  required  in  the  drafting  of 
public  documents.  He  combined  in  himself 
the  functions  of  pastor  and  preacher  of  Zu- 
rich, leader  of  the  state,  and  commander  of  the 
army.  We  cannot  but  admire  the  strength  and 
varied  genius  of  the  man  who,  while  standing  at 
the  head  of  the  state  and  bearing  all  its  burdens, 
could  manifest  at  the  same  time  such  untiring 
industry  as  pastor,  preacher,  theologian,  and 
author. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  Five  Places  were  filled 
with  indignation  when  they  learned  of  the  secret 
alliance  which  had  been  formed  between  Zurich 
and  Constance,  and  of  the  proposition  to  extend  it 
until  it  included  all  the  cities  of  the  Reformed 
faith.  At  the  next  meeting  of  the  Diet  the  Cath- 
olic deputies  were  unable  to  restrain  their  feel- 
ings, and  the  bailiffs  of  Thurgau,  who  had  been; 
appointed  by  Zug  and  Schwyz,  manifested  their 
hostility  in  acts  of  barbarous  cruelty  toward  all 
who  accepted  the  Gospel.  They  imposed  fines 
and  imprisonment,  confiscation  and  banishment; 
they  inflicted  torture  and  scourge;  they  cruelly 
maltreated  the  ministers  and  condemned  them 
to  the  block  and  the  stake.  All  Bibles  and  evan- 
gelical books  were  burnt,  and  the  Lutheran  ref- 
ugees who  fled  from  Austria  across  the  Rhine 
were  promptly  surrendered  to  their  persecutors. 


216  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

This  violence,  however,  only  aided  the  Gospel. 
The  Bishop  of  Constance  in  alarm  wrote  to  the 
Five  Places  that  unless  speedy  action  was  taken 
the  whole  country  would  embrace  the  Reform. 
In  response  to  his  appeal  the  Five  Places  met  in 
diet  at  Frauenfeld,  and  six  days  later  at  Wein- 
feld,  where,  deputies  from  Bern  and  Zurich 
aroused  their  indignation  still  further  by  speeches 
demanding  toleration.*  When  the  vote  was 
taken  it  was  found  that  the  Gospel  had  won,  and 
the  Rheinthal  and  Bremgarten  were  speedily 
thrown  open  to  the  free  preaching  of  the  Word. 
This  victory  of  the  Reformers  thoroughly 
aroused  their  opponents.  Something  must  be 
done  or  the  fertile  valleys  of  the  Five  Places,  for 
centuries  the  stronghold  of  Swiss  Catholicism, 
would  be  overrun  by  the  emissaries  of  the  new 
doctrine.  Of  all  neighboring  states  from  which 
succor  might  be  secured  Austria  seemed  best 
adapted  to  render  the  necessary  assistance.  No 
other  was  so  thoroughly  under  papal  dominance, 
or  so  ready  to  lend  itself  to  the  furtherance  of 
Romish  designs.  Although  the  hereditary  enemy 
of  the  Swiss  Confederacy,  all  political  differences 
and  animosities  were  for  the  time  forgotten  in 
the  face  of  events  which  threatened  the  perpetu- 


*Bullinger  Chron.,  II.,  p.  28. 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS  COMPLICATIONS    217 

ity  of  their  common  faith.  The  Five  Places  sent 
letters  across  the  Austrian  frontiers.  Messen- 
gers were  seen  passing  to  and  fro  near  the  border. 
Finally  in  February,  1529,  deputies  from  the  Five 
Places  succeeded  in  holding  a  secret  interview 
with  the  Austrian  governor  and  arranging  for  a 
conference  to  be  held  at  Waldshut  two  months 
later.  Although  the  rumor  of  these  negotiations 
excited  much  dissatisfaction,  even  among  the 
Romish  adherents,  the  deputies  of  the  Five  Places, 
according  to  agreement,  met  the  deputies  of  their 
old-time  oppressors  at  Waldshut,  and  after  a 
brief  conference  concluded  a  treaty  of  alli- 
ance. According  to  the  stipulations  of  this 
treaty,  death  was  to  be  meted  out  to  any  who 
should  be  found  guilty  of  establishing  new  sects 
among  the  people.  In  case  of  emergency  Au- 
stria agreed  to  send  a  fully  equipped  army  into 
Switzerland,  and,  if  necessary,  assist  in  effecting 
a  blockade  of  the  Reformed  cantons.  The  news  of 
this  alliance  soon  spread  far  and  wide  and  filled 
the  hearts  of  the  people  with  dejection  and  alarm. 
Deputies  from  the  Reformed  cantons  met  at  Zu- 
rich and  decided  to  attempt  a  reconciliation.  A 
deputation  was  appointed  which  visited  in  turn 
each  of  the  Five  Places.  This  mission,  the  dis- 
charge of  which  required  no  small  degree  of  cour- 
age, was  received  in  the  first  instance  with  cold- 


218  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

ness  and  indifference.  In  Unterwalden  the  dep- 
uties were  treated  with  marked  hostility,  and 
threats  of  violence  greeted  their  friendly  over- 
tures. The  insults  offered  by  Unterwalden  to 
the  deputies  of  the  Reformed  cantons  were  deep- 
ly felt  by  Zwingli.  "  No  peace  shall  be  granted 
them,"  he  cried,  "  until  they  renounce  foreign 
pensions,  the  Austrian  alliance,  and  all  share  in 
the  government  of  the  common  bailiwicks."  To 
this  war-cry  of  the  Swiss  leader  Bern  refused  to 
listen.  Bern,  in  fact,  though  at  this  time  ranged 
on  the  side  of  Reform,  was  so  dominated  by 
Romish  authority  and  honeycombed  by  the  cor- 
rupting influence  of  foreign  pensions  that  it  was 
only  by  the  utmost  effort  that  the  stanch  sup- 
porters of  the  Gospel  succeeded  in  keeping  her 
in  line.  Under  such  circumstances  the  assistance 
which  she  offered  was  in  most  cases  of  a  tardy 
and  half-hearted  nature.  In  June,  1528,  Bern 
joined  the  Christian  Burgher  Rights,  and  within 
a  year  St.  Gall,  Biel,  Muelhausen,  Basel,  and 
Schaffhausen  followed  her  example, 

Zwingli,  however,  was  not  yet  satisfied.  Im- 
pressed with  the  imminence  of  the  danger  that 
threatened  the  Reformed  cantons,  he  cast  his 
eyes  longingly  beyond  the  Swiss  borders  in  the 
hope  that  the  free  cities  of  Germany  might  also 
be  prevailed  on  to  add  their  strength  to  the 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS   COMPLICATIONS    219 

newly  formed  league.  With  Jacob  Sturm,  the 
burgomaster  of  Strasburg,  he  maintained  an 
active  correspondence  and  kept  himself  informed 
as  to  the  designs  of  the  Emperor.  In  a  similar 
manner  he  had  long  maintained  a  secret  corre- 
spondence with  his  friend,  the  Landgrave  of 
Hesse,  and  Philip,  on  his  part,  had  endeavored 
to  bring  about  a  union  of  the  German  towns,  but 
was  defeated  in  his  efforts  through  Lutheran 
prejudice,  which  displayed  itself  in  an  unwilling- 
ness to  cooperate  with  the  Zwinglian  "  Sacra- 
mentarians."  He  now  rejoiced  that  Zwingli 
seemed  in  a  fair  way  of  effecting  what  he  had 
hitherto  failed  to  accomplish.  Together  with 
Duke  Ulrich,  of  Wurtemberg,  Philip  asked  per- 
mission to  join  the  alliance.  In  the  correspond- 
ence which  passed  between  the  princes  and  the 
deputies  of  Zurich,  Basel,  and  Strasburg  regard- 
ing the  matter,  the  Landgrave  agreed  on  his  part 
to  endeavor  to  gain  for  the  alliance  the  Protestant 
princes  of  the  North  German  towns,  while 
Zwingli  agreed  to  strive  similarly  for  the  Re- 
formed towns  of  South  Germany. 

France  and  Venice  were  hostile  to  the  Em- 
peror, and  Zwingli  was  encouraged  to  think  that 
this  enmity  might  be  utilized  for  the  furtherance 
of  the  Gospel.  The  leaven  of  evangelical  truth 
was  already  beginning  to  make  itself  felt  in  these 


220  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

countries,  a  fact  which  lent  additional  strength 
to  the  hope  that  the  proposition  to  join  the  new 
league  would  be  favorably  entertained.  It  will 
thus  appear  that  Zwingli's  plans  were  far-seeing 
and  comprehensive.  According  to  his  idea  the 
Protestant  alliance  was  to  extend  from  the  Adri- 
atic to  the  German  Ocean.  His  design  was  to 
establish  in  Europe  a  power  sufficiently  strong 
to  frustrate  the  maneuvers  of  Charles  and  his 
Austrian  allies.  Nay,  further,  he  even  hoped  to 
organize  a  political  league  sufficiently  powerful 
to  punish  the  Emperor  by  compelling  him  to  ab- 
dicate, should  he  rashly  attempt  to  carry  out  the 
promise  he  had  made  to  the  Pope  to  suppress  the 
free  preaching  of  the  Gospel  in  Germany,  in 
which  case  Zwingli  hoped  that  the  Protestant 
Electors  would  choose  his  friend  Philip  of  Hesse 
to  succeed  him.  The  secret  correspondence 
which  passed  between  Zwingli  and  Philip  is 
startling  in  the  freedom  and  boldness  with 
which  they  plotted  to  checkmate  the  Emperor. 
Zwingli  labored  with  all  his  might  to  win  the 
South  German  towns  for  the  new  league.  The 
Emperor's  approach  from  Italy  to  hold  the  Augs- 
burg Diet  inflamed  his  zeal  the  more.  "  Base 
cowards  alone,"  wrote  he  to  a  friend,  "  can  idly 
look  on  without  straining  every  nerve  to  put  in 
arms  a  power  that  will  make  the  Emperor  sensi- 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS   COMPLICATIONS    221 

ble  that  he  labors  in  vain  to  reestablish  Rome's 
supremacy,  to  destroy  the  privileges  of  the  free 
towns,  and  to  coerce  us  in  Helvetia." 

In  December,  1529,  Rudolf  Collin  was  sent 
as  secret  ambassador  to  conclude,  if  possible, 
a  treaty  of  allianc  with  the  republic  of  Venice. 
He  was  kindly  received  by  the  Venetian  senate, 
and  in  the  address  which  he  was  permitted  to 
make  he  urged  the  advantages  that  would  ac- 
crue to  both  republics  from  closer  relation- 
ship. The  Doge  divulged  to  him  the  un- 
welcome news  that  Venice  had  just  concluded  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  Emperor.  Regret  was 
expressed  that  the  overtures  of  the  Burgher 
towns  were  not  made  earlier,  and  the  ambassador 
was  assured  on  leaving  that  in  the  event  of  war 
Venice  would  render  what  assistance  she  could. 

About  this  time  the  King  of  France,  through 
his  ambassador,  intimated  his  willingness  to  join 
the  Burgher  Rights.  He  was  prompted  to  this 
step  not  through  any  sympathy  with  the  Re- 
formed doctrines,  but  through  his  hatred  of  the 
Emperor,  and  the  hope  that  with  the  assistance 
of  the  Swiss  he  might  be  able  to  effect  the  con- 
quest of  Lombardy.  Zwingli  understood 
Francis  too  well  to  be  deceived  by  him.  He  paid 
no  heed  to  his  overtures  until,  by  his  repeated 
applications,  he  was  virtually  forced  to  do  so. 


222  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

He  then  drafted  a  form  of  treaty  sufficiently 
strong  to  test  the  king's  sincerity,  and  placed 
it  in  the  hands  of  the  French  ambassador  for 
transmission  to  his  sovereign.  After  a  brief  de- 
lay the  king  replied  through  his  ministers  that 
the  time  was  not  yet  ripe  to  enter  upon  such 
far-reaching  plans.  The  French  ambassador 
added  as  a  further  reason  for  the  king's  reluc- 
tance to  accept  the  terms  outlined  by  Zwingli, 
that  since  the  king's  sons  were  held  in  captivity 
by  the  Emperor,  negotiations  of  this  kind,  should 
they  become  known,  might  endanger  the  lives 
of  the  princes,  or  greatly  delay  their  liberation. 

The  project  which  Zwingli  so  dearly  cherished 
and  labored  ceaselessly  to  promote  was  destined 
for  various  reasons  to  fail  of  realization.  Bern 
strenuously  opposed  the  extension  of  the  Chris- 
tian Burgher  Rights  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
the  Confederacy.  Strasburg  clamored  for  ad- 
mittance, but  Bern's  consent  was  for  a  long  time 
persistently  withheld,  and  it  was  not  until  1530 
that  she  was  allowed  to  take  the  oath.  Bern 
absolutely  refused  to  admit  Philip  of  Hesse  to 
this  privilege,  and  he  was  therefore  compelled  to 
content  himself  with  such  treaty  as  he  could  make 
with  the  two  willing  states,  Zurich  and  Basel. 
Another  thing  that  operated  as  a  serious  check 
on  Zwingli's  efforts  to  extend  the  alliance  was 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS   COMPLICATIONS    223 

the  widespread  suspicion  with  which  it  was  re- 
garded by  the  nobility.  This  suspicion  was  in- 
duced by  a  remark  of  Erasmus,  which  obtained 
wide  currency,  to  the  effect  that  Zwingli  was 
seeking  to  introduce  democracy  under  the  mantle 
of  the  Gospel.  Furthermore,  the  papal  party 
were  not  slow  to  perceive  the  advantage  of  this 
distrust,  and  by  them  it  was  effectively  used  to 
defeat  the  proposed  union  of  the  evangelicals. 
None  of  the  South  German  towns,  except  Con- 
stance, became  full  members  of  the  alliance.  The 
national  feeling  of  the  German  Protestants,  plus 
Lutheran  sectarianism,  led  them  to  form  a  de- 
fensive league  of  their  own  with  purpose  similar 
to  that  of  the  Christian  Burgher  Rights.  This 
was  done  at  Smalcald,  February,  1530.  For  these 
reasons,  to  the  deep  regret  of  Zwingli  and  the 
Landgrave,  the  plan  of  a  defensive  alliance  of  all 
Protestants  against  their  common  foes,  the  Pope 
and  the  Emperor,  proved  abortive.  Zwingli, 
with  the  clear  vision  of  a  prophet,  foresaw  the 
untold  calamities  which  must  eventually  befall 
the  Protestants  if  they  refused  longer  on  account 
of  petty  doctrinal  differences  to  recognize  their 
essential  brotherhood,  and  unite  as  one  man  for 
the  defense  of  their  faith.  The  sequel  proves 
that  in  the  main  Zwingli  was  right.  After  all 
due  allowance  is  made  for  his  apparent  mistakes 


224  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

and  weaknesses,  it  is  plain  that  the  cause  of 
Protestantism  was  permanently  crippled  by  the 
refusal  of  a  large  party  to  accord  to  their  breth- 
ren that  confidence,  charity,  and  fraternal  fellow- 
ship which  the  Gospel  enjoins. 

The  alliance  which  the  Five  Places  had  con- 
cluded with  Austria  and  the  Emperor  for  the  sup- 
pression of  the  free  preaching  of  the  Word,  and 
the  counter  movement  undertaken  by  the  Re- 
formers for  the  defense  of  the  Gospel,  entailing 
in  consequence  a  general  feeling  of  suspicion, 
hatred,  and  distrust,  made  it  evident  that  a  con- 
dition of  affairs  was  preparing  dangerous  to  the 
permanency  of  the  entire  Confederacy.  The  Five 
Places  visited  every  departure  from  the  ancient 
faith  with  punishment,  while  Zurich  and  Bern 
sought  to  protect  any  and  all  who  accepted  the 
Gospel. 

A  peculiar  political  arrangement,  whereby  cer- 
tain cantons  in  turn  elected  the  administrative 
officers  of  the  common  lordships,  furnished  the 
conditions  out  of  which  it  became  increasingly 
apparent  that  open  conflict  must  ultimately  arise 
between  the  two  great  parties.  The  conflict  of 
jurisdictions  was  an  additional  source  of  irrita- 
tion. In  the  high  valleys  of  the  Bernese  Alps  a 
majority  of  the  inhabitants  rose  in  insurrection 
against  the  government  of  Bern,  abolished  the 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS   COMPLICATIONS    225 

reforms  which  had  been  introduced,  and  restored 
the  Romish  worship.  This  insurrection  was 
promptly  suppressed  by  Bernese  troops  un- 
der the  command  of  the  burgomaster  of  Erlach. 

At  Bremgarten  the  aged  Dean  Bullinger,  after 
a  pastorate  of  thirty  years,  publicly  confessed  to 
his  congregation  that  during  this  period  he  had 
walked  in  blindness  and  had  taught  error  instead 
of  truth.  He  sought  their  forgiveness  and  prom- 
ised henceforth  to  base  his  teachings  on  the  pre- 
cepts of  the  Word  of  God.  For  this  step  the 
town  council  deposed  him  from  his  office.  His 
son  Henry  was  soon  called  to  succeed  him,  and 
the  people  by  a  resolution  requested  that  his 
preaching  be  from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 
according  to  the  Divine  meaning.  Bullinger 
preached  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  community, 
and  it  was  not  long  until  the  Reformation  had 
gained  the  ascendency  in  Bremgarten  and  sev- 
eral of  the  neighboring  communes. 

One  of  the  first  sources  of  open  discord  be- 
tween the  Papal  and  Reformed  parties  was  the 
rich  cloister  of  St.  Gall,  the  abbot  of  which  by 
reason  of  his  wealth  and  devotion  to  the  imperial 
house  was  especially  dangerous  to  the  Reforma- 
tion. The  election  of  1529  placed  the  govern- 
ment of  St.  Gall  in  the  hands  of  those  who  sym- 
pathized with  reform,  and  the  abbot,  who  was 


226  ULRIGH    ZWINGLI 

now  dangerously  ill  and  unable  to  offer  any  re- 
sistance to  the  changes  which  he  had  good  rea- 
son to  suspect  the  Reformers  would  attempt  to 
make,  and  out  of  fear  for  his  personal  safety,  had 
himself  removed  to  the  fortified  castle  of  Ror- 
schach.  Here  he  soon  died,  but  his  death  was 
kept  secret  until  his  successor,  a  monk  of  the 
Toggenburg  district,  was  elected  and  publicly 
proclaimed.  In  the  meantime,  however,  the 
burgomaster,  Vadian,  had  taken  possession  of 
the  cathedral  and  removed  all  the  images. 
Although  the  new  abbot  had  secured  his  election 
in  an  irregular  manner,  he  received  recognition 
from  Schwyz  and  Lucerne,  and  what  was  of  far 
more  importance,  the  promise  from  Austria  that 
he  would  be  maintained  in  his  position.  Thus 
fortified,  he  peremptorily  demanded  that  the  con- 
vent be  restored  to  its  rights,  the  images  re- 
placed in  the  cathedral,  and  the  sacrifices  of  the 
mass  reinstated.  Zurich  stoutly  refused  to  rec- 
ognize the  new  abbot,  and  acting  on  Zwingli's 
advice,  demanded  that  he  establish  his  right  to 
recognition  by  proving  from  Scripture  that 
"  monkery  is  well  pleasing  in  the  sight  of  God." 
Thus,  while  Zurich  and  St.  Gall  endeavored  with 
all  their  power  to  effect  the  dissolution  of  the 
cloister,  the  abbot,  through  the  secret  assistance 
of  Austria  and  the  Five  Places,  endeavored  to 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS   COMPLICATIONS    227 

recover  the  lost  rights  and  dignities  of  his  of- 
fice. The  situation  was  daily  becoming  more 
threatening  when  certain  acts  of  violence  per- 
petrated in  the  district  of  Caster,  between  lakes 
Zurich  and  Walenstadt,  led  to  the  formal  out- 
break of  hostilities.  This  district  was  governed 
jointly  by  Schwyz  and  Glarus.  The  Reformation 
had  made  its  appearance  there,  and  had  won  pop- 
ular disfavor  through  certain  well-meant  but 
misguided  acts  of  iconoclasm.  The  Schwyzers 
threatened  war  and  ordered  the  images  restored. 
The  perpetrators  of  the  violence  applied  to  Zu- 
rich for  protection,  and  received  ample  assur- 
ance that  help  would  be  rendered  if  they  should 
be  attacked  on  the  ground  of  their  faith.  In  this 
crisis  of  affairs  Zwingli  was  ready  with  a  well- 
defined  policy  and  plan  of  action.  It  was  warfare, 
prompt  and  decisive.  He  earnestly  desired  that 
the  military  strength  of  the  evangelical  cantons 
should  quickly  and  resolutely  invade  the  Five 
Places  from  different  quarters,  in  order  that  the 
enemy  thus  hemmed  in  on  every  side  by  an  over- 
whelming force  might  be  convinced  at  once  of  the 
futility  of  all  resistance,  and  yield  without  a  blow. 
It  seemed  to  him  that  his  country  might  be 
purged  by  a  bloodless  campaign,  if  the  campaign 
were  promptly  and  resolutely  executed.  So  deep- 
ly did  he  feel  the  disgrace  of  certain  portions  of 


228  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

his  native  land,  and  the  necessity  of  radical  meas- 
ures, that  he  transmitted  these  vigorous  words  to 
a  friend  in  Bern,  who  had  ventured  to  warn  him 
against  war :  "  Be  steadfast,  be  not  afraid  of  war ; 
for  the  peace  which  some  would  force  upon  us  is 
war,  while  the  war  which  we  desire  is  peace.  We 
thirst  for  no  man's  blood  and  seek  no  interest 
of  our  own;  our  object  is  to  tame  these  up- 
start tyrants  who  rise  against  God  and  suppress 
His  Word,  and  to  tear  their  usurped  power  from 
their  grasp.  If  this  be  not  done,  neither  the 
evangelical  truth  nor  its  heralds  and  followers  are 
safe.  We  have  no  cruel  thoughts ;  what  we  do 
is  with  a  benevolent  and  paternal  spirit.  We  wish 
to  save  some  who,  led  away  by  the  wicked,  will 
perish  in  their  ignorance.  The  liberty  of  preach- 
ing the  Gospel  and  of  believing  it  I  wish  alone  to 
gain."  * 

The  immediate  occasion  of  the  outbreak  of  hos- 
tilities was  the  unlawful  arrest  of  Jacob  Kaiser 
(or  Schlcsser),  an  evangelical  preacher.  Kaiser 
was  a  resident  of  Zurich,  who  by  his  zealous 
preaching  against  images  had  aroused  the 
vehement  hatred  of  the  Schwyzers.  He  had 
received  a  call  to  the  parish  of  Oberkirch  in  Gas- 
ter,  and  one  day  while  on  his  way  to  preach  there 


*0p.  Zw.,  VIIL,  p.  294- 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS  COMPLICATIONS    229 

he  was  set  upon  by  six  men,  bound,  and  carried 
away  prisoner  to  Schwyz.  It  presently  transpired 
that  the  arrest  was  made  in  obedience  to  the  ex- 
press orders  of  the  Five  Places,  since  they  had 
issued  instructions  to  all  officers  of  their  appoint- 
ment to  take  and  deliver  over  to  them  as  prison- 
ers all  preachers  and  adherents  of  the  new  doc- 
trine. Zurich  when  apprised  of  this  outrage  des- 
patched a  deputy  post  haste  to  Schwyz  with  a  re- 
monstrance so  emphatic  as  to  amount  to  a  demand 
that  Kaiser  be  set  at  liberty.  Schwyz  turned  a 
deaf  ear  to  all  attempts  at  intervention.  Kaiser 
was  tried  for  heresy,  found  guilty,  and  con- 
demned to  immediate  execution  at  the  stake.  He 
met  death  courageously,  praising  Christ  who  had 
counted  him  worthy  to  die  for  the  honor  of  the 
Gospel. 

Seven  days  after  the  martyrdom  of  Kaiser 
came  the  startling  news  that  the  Austrian  depu- 
ties on  the  Swiss  frontier  were  enlisting  men  and 
arming  them  for  insurrection.  Acting  promptly 
on  this  intelligence,  the  Council  of  Zurich  re- 
solved on  war,  and  a  formal  proclamation  of  hos- 
tilities was  issued  on  the  Qth  of  June,  1529.  It 
was  addressed  to  Schwyz.  "  We  have  received," 
said  the  Zurichers,  "  your  haughty  and  con- 
temptuous letter  and  have  understood  it.  You 
reproach  us  with  not  keeping  treaties.  We  have 


230  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

kept  them  better  than  you.  You  have  perse- 
cuted and  delivered  up  to  enemies,  martyred  and 
slain  many  an  honest  man  because  he  gave  God 
the  glory  and  joyfully  confessed  his  faith.  You 
have  abused,  reviled,  and  maltreated  our  people 
who,  by  God's  grace,  are  pious,  worthy  Chris- 
tians. A  holy  priest,  a  resident  of  our  city,  and 
under  our  protection,  you  have  fallen  upon  out- 
side of  your  jurisdiction,  carried  off,  and  for  the 
Word  of  God's  sake  and  to  God's  high  displeasure 
and  in  contempt  of  us,  have  insolently  and  in  defi- 
ance of  law  condemned  to  death.  Since,  there- 
fore, we  see  that  neither  law  nor  justice  has 
place  among  you,  we  resolve,  for  the  salvation 
and  maintenance  of  Divine  truth,  for  His  and  our 
own  honor,  to  punish  such  arrogance  and  evil- 
doing.  You  have  driven  us  to  this  by  your  vio- 
lent procedure."  * 

The  military  forces  of  Zurich  were  immediately 
called  out.  Four  thousand  picked  men,  fully 
armed  and  well  furnished  with  provisions 
marched  against  Cappel.  Five  hundred  men, 
under  Ulrich  Stall,  were  joined  by  a  hundred 
more  from  Bremgarten,  and  together  they  oc- 
cupied the  cloister  of  Muri,  thus  guarding  the 
approach  from  Unterwalden.  The  Council  of 


*This  proclamation,  which  was  printed  for  public  distribution, 
was  doubtless  drawn  up  by  Zwingli.  Vide  Bullinger,  II.,  pp. 
164-167. 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS   COMPLICATIONS    231 

Zurich  appointed  Zwingli  field-chaplain,  and  he 
went  forth  with  the  main  body  of  troops,  bear- 
ing upon  his  shoulder  the  halberd  he  had  pre- 
viously carried  in  the  battle  of  Marignano. 

The  Governor  of  Kyburg,  Rudolf  Lavater,  was 
instructed  to  march  with  a  detachment  against 
Wyl  and  to  take  prisoner  the  abbot  of  St.  Gall ; 
but  the  abbot  was  forewarned  of  the  Governor's 
design  and  make  good  his  escape  into  Swabia. 

The  Zurich  warriors  advanced  eagerly  to  the 
defense  of  their  faith.  The  evening  of  the  gth  of 
June  found  them  encamped  near  Cappel.  The 
combined  forces  of  the  Five  Places  had  assembled 
at  Zug.  On  the  morning  of  the  loth  the  Zurich 
army  sent  its  declaration  of  war  to  the  leaders  of 
the  enemy,  and  made  immediate  preparations  for 
battle.  The  leader  of  the  vanguard  marshaled 
his  forces  for  attack,  and  was  on  the  point  of 
leading  them  into  the  enemy's  territory  when 
Landammann  Aebli,  of  Glarus,  approached,  and 
earnestly  begged  that  they  adanvce  no  farther 
until  opportunity  had  been  given  for  a  hearing. 
"  The  Five  Places/'  said  Aebli,  "  are  armed ;  but 
it  is  terrible  to  think  of  the  shedding  of  blood. 
I  entreat  you  for  a  few  hours  delay ;  for  I  know 
that  the  Confederates  have  despatched  messen- 
gers to  negotiate  peace.  Surely  peace  ought  to 
be  possible  between  those  who  have  stood  shoul- 


232  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

der  to  shoulder  against  a  common  foe.*  Owing 
to  the  universal  respect  in  which  Aebli  was  held, 
his  speech  had  the  effect  of  inducing  the  leaders 
to  send  messengers  to  Zurich  for  instructions  as 
to  what  they  should  do.  Zwingli  was  not  at  all 
pleased  with  this  turn  of  affairs.  He  felt  that 
the  success  of  Zurich  and  the  cause  in  which  she 
had  enlisted  depended  on  prompt,  resolute  action. 
"  You  will  have  to  answer  to  God  for  this  media- 
tion/' said  he  to  Aebli.  "  Because  the  enemy  are 
in  our  power  and  unprepared  to  resist  they  give 
us  fair  words — they  wish  to  mediate.  Afterward, 
when  they  are  armed,  they  will  attack  and  not 
spare  us."  f 

The  attitude  which  Bern  and  some  of  the  other 
allies  of  Zurich  assumed  in  this  campaign  ex- 
erted an  influence  which  was  anything  but  ad- 
vantageous to  the  Reformed  cause.  In  the  city 
of  Bern  proper  and  in  the  isolated  districts  of  the 
surrounding  country  there  were  many  who  were 
unfriendly  to  the  alliance  and  who  in  the  Coun- 
cil did  all  they  could  to  hinder  cooperation  with 
Zurich. 

The  situation  in  Bern  was  such  that  Haller 
wrote  to  Zwingli  in  the  most  despairing  strain. 
"  We  are,"  said  he,  "  as  corrupt  in  our  govern- 


*Bullinger  Chron.,  II.,  pp.  169,  170. 
p.  170. 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS  COMPLICATIONS    233 

ment  as  ever,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  that  in  the 
new  election  to  the  Council  just  approaching, 
all  those  who  have  shown  themselves  hostile  to 
the  Reform  will  come  to  the  surface  again."  It 
thus  happened  that  Bern,  the  most  warlike  of  the 
cantons,  was  in  this  crisis  constantly  urging 
measures  of  peace ;  and  when  at  length  the  Coun- 
cil of  Zurich  resolved  on  war  and  called  on  the 
allies  for  help,  Bern  replied  that  inasmuch  as  Zu- 
rich had  begun  the  war  without  her  assistance  she 
might  finish  it  in  like  manner.  Undaunted  by 
this  answer,  Zurich  sent  another  and  more  ur- 
gent summons  to  her  ally,  to  which  Bern  made 
the  following  reply :  "  We  pray,  we  remind,  and 
exhort  you  that  you  do  not  overstep  with  your 
host  and  banner  the  boundaries  of  your  own  ter- 
ritory and  that  you  attack  none.  If  you  your- 
selves be  first  attacked,  or  are  injured  either  in 
life  or  property,  we  shall  not  abandon  you.  We 
have  in  haste  called  a  diet  to  meet  at  Aarau.  If 
the  Five  Places  give  satisfaction  for  libels  and 
vituperations,  and  renounce  the  alliance  with 
Austria,  we  are  inclined  to  peace.  If  you,  how- 
ever, or  the  Five  Places,  do  not  hold  yourselves  as 
we  do,  we  shall  apply  force  to  you  both." 

Following  immediately  on  this  reply,  Bern  en- 
rolled an  army  of  five  thousand  men  and  sent 
them  under  burgomaster  von  Diessbach  to  Aarau 


234  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

and  Lenzburg,  where  they  were  presently  joined 
by  troops  from  Basel,  Muelhausen,  and  Biel. 
Three  hundred  warriors  from  St.  Gall,  and  twelve 
hundred  from  Thurgau  marched  to  Cappel  to  re- 
enforce  the  Zurichers.  In  the  meantime  the  army 
of  the  Five  Places  had  been  steadily  gaining  in 
strength,  so  that  the  entire  forces  confronting 
each  other  on  the  field  of  Cappel  numbered  not 
far  from  thirty  thousand  men. 

True  to  the  prediction  of  Landammann  Aebli, 
deputies  from  Appenzell,  the  Grisons,  Freiburg, 
and  Soleure  arrived  in  Zurich  as  mediators,  to 
negotiate  terms  of  peace. 

The  Council  of  Zurich  in  reply  to  the  question 
of  their  army  encamped  at  Cappel,  asking  what 
they  were  to  do  respecting  Aebli's  request,  ad- 
vised that  for  the  present  they  suspend  hostili- 
ties. "  We  entertain  strong  hope,"  said  they, 
"  that  through  the  mediation  of  these  pious  and 
upright  men,  an  honorable  and  godly  peace  will 
be  concluded."  The  final  decision,  however,  was 
left  to  the  army ;  for  according  to  ancient  custom 
the  sovereignty  of  the  state  in  time  of  war  was 
held  to  reside  with  the  troops  who  fought  under 
the  Zurich  banner.  The  Council  accordingly  re- 
quested the  army  to  forward  any  further  resolu- 
tions to  the  Zurich  deputies  at  the  Diet  of  Aarau. 
Zwingli,  in  the  name  of  the  army,  drew  up  and 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS  COMPLICATIONS 


235 


transmitted  to  the  Zurich  Council  the  following 
resolutions,  which  expressed  his  idea  of  the  nec- 
essary conditions  of  a  lasting  peace :  First,  that 
permission  be  granted  to  preach  freely  the  word 
of  God  throughout  the  Confederacy;  second, 
that  all  alliances  concluded  with  foreign  powers 
be  dissolved  and  declared  null  and  void;  third, 
that  the  receiving  of  pensions  and  donations  from 
foreign  princes  and  powers  be  forbidden,  and  the 
authors  and  promoters  of  the  pension  system 
punished  in  person  and  property,  on  the  ground 
that  they  were  the  originators  of  the  present  dis- 
sensions; fourth,  that  the  Five  Places  bear  the 
expenses  of  the  war;  fifth,  that  Schwyz  pay  an 
indemnity  to  the  children  of  the  martyred  Kaiser. 
With  these  conditions  Zwingli  forwarded  to  the 
Zurich  Council  the  following  letter : 

"  I  am  very  anxious  that  the  proposals  in  ques- 
tion may  not  be  treated  with  levity  or  carelessness. 
In  order  to  meet  in  some  measure  the  growing 
corruption  of  the  times  and  to  hold  godly  and  be- 
lieving people  to  the  Word  of  God,  I  have  been 
compelled,  both  by  word  and  deed,  to  press  for  de- 
cisive measures;  but  I  expressed  to  the  Council 
that  when  I  began  to  be  warlike  in  my  sermons 
they  might  be  pleased  to  give  no  heed  to  it,  for  my 
wish  was  neither  war  nor  bloodshed,  but  sup- 
pression of  pensions  and  of  all  injustice.  Now, 


236  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

however,  that  it  has  come  in  the  course  of  God's 
Providence  to  an  outbreak,  I  trust  in  God  that 
it  will  fall  out  to  His  own  glory  and  to  the  honor 
of  Zurich.  When  I  press  for  harsh  measures  I  do 
it  solely  to  terrify  the  pensioners,  that  they  may  the 
sooner  yield.  Otherwise  I  am  very  well  disposed 
to  clemency,  as  I  hope  you  are  well  aware. 
Wherefore,  my  gracious  lords,  be  courageous  and 
firm.  Our  confederates  of  Bern  are  faithful  to. 
the  principle  of  freedom  in  matters  of  faith,  and 
insist  that  the  alliance  with  Austria  be  broken 
off.  Have  no  anxiety  on  our  account,  for  our 
men  are  obedient  and  well-behaved,  friendly,  and 
faithful  to  one  another.  Be  brave  and  steadfast, 
and  so  we  shall,  with  God's  help,  attain  to  unity 
and  conclude  an  honorable  peace.  I  hope  God 
will  once  more  set  up  our  Confederacy,  and  this 
he  will  do  if  you  only  maintain  a  resolute  atti- 
tude against  pensions.  Wherefore,  be  a  wall  of 
brass  against  this  corruption."  * 

While  these  negotiations  of  peace  were  pend- 
ing the  soldiers  encamped  at  Cappel,  putting 
aside  their  animosity,  deported  themselves  for  the 
time  more  like  brethren  disunited  by  some  tran- 
sient quarrel  than  enemies  who  had  corne  out  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  each  others'  lives.  The 


*Op.  Zw.,  VI II.,  pp.  296-298.     Quoted  from  Christoffel  [Coch- 
ran's   translation],    with   omissions  and   slight   variations. 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS   COMPLICATIONS 


237 


advanced  posts  lived  in  harmony  and  sometimes 
took  their  meals  together.  Occasionally  the  sol- 
diers of  the  Five  Places  when  short  of  rations 
would  venture  beyond  the  lines  and  allow  them- 
selves to  be  taken  prisoners  by  the  Zurichers, 
who  then  led  them  into  camp,  fed  them,  and  sent 
them  back  laden  with  provisions.  This  affecting 
cordiality,  subsisting  even  in  time  of  war,  inspired 
some  with  the  hope  that  Switzerland  had  nothing 
serious  to  apprehend.  Unfortunately,  this  hope 
they  were  soon  compelled  to  relinquish. 

In  the  camp  of  Zurich  strict  order  was  main- 
tained. Zwingli,  Comthur  Schmidt,  of  Kiissnacht, 
and  other  clergymen  preached  daily.  All  curs- 
ing, gambling,  and  quarreling  were  suppressed. 
National  and  patriotic  songs  were  sung,  and  many 
of  the  younger  men  indulged  in  athletic  sports. 
Zwingli  moved  about  freely  among  the  troops 
and  all  felt  the  contagion  of  his  presence.  All 
signs  of  despondency  and  cherished  hate  disap- 
peared at  the  first  touch  of  his  genial  personality. 

Under  the  favorable  conditions  existing  there 
seemed  every  prospect  of  negotiating  an  honor- 
able and  satisfactory  peace.  Later  developments, 
however,  proved  less  encouraging.  It  was  found 
that  the  majority  of  the  captains  and  leaders, 
many  of  whom  had  grown  rich  through  foreign 
pensions,  were  especially  opposed  to  that  article 


238  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

of  the  proposed  treaty  which  contemplated  abol- 
ishment of  income  received  from  foreign  sources. 
Even  among  the  Zurich  leaders  there  were  those 
who  ardently  desired  the  removal  of  the  pro- 
hibition against  pensions.  Among  the  Bern- 
ese the  opposition  on  this  point  was  much 
stronger  than  among  the  Zurichers.  At  a  meet- 
ing of  the  Zurich  captains,  Nicholas  Manuel  was 
compelled  to  declare  that  for  Zwingli's  demand — 
"  abolition  of  pensions  by  the  Five  Places,"  no 
support  could  be  expected  from  Bern.  The 
pensioners  in  both  camps  joined  hands  and  hearts 
in  opposition  to  this  article.  "  It  was  generally 
known,"  remarks  Bullinger,  "  that  the  pension- 
ers defended  one  another  with  zeal,  and  would 
rather  have  seen  the  whole  country  brought  to 
the  verge  of  ruin  than  that  a  hair  on  the  head  of 
one  of  their  party  should  have  been  touched." 
Zwingli  was  looked  upon  as  their  greatest  foe, 
and  they  sought  by  every  method  of  secret  in- 
trigue and  base  calumny  to  undermine  his  repu- 
tation and  destroy  his  influence.  To  a  friend 
Zwingli  wrote  at  this  time:  "Treachery  sur- 
rounds me  on  every  side,  and  if  I  escape  now,  I 
have  to  thank  the  Almighty  alone  for  my  pres- 
ervation, for  all  the  wicked  have  conspired 
against  me." 

While    negotiations   of   peace    were   pending 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS  COMPLICATIONS    23$ 

Zwingli  composed  the  following  hymn,  in  which, 
while  free  expression  is  given  to  the  great  anxie- 
ties that  harassed  his  soul,  there  breathes  in 
every  line  a  stalwart  faith  and  a  trustful  child- 
like dependence  on  God : 

"  Lord,  raise  the  car 
From  out  the  ditch  of  war; 
Or  black  as  night 
Will  be  our  plight. 
Our  evils  flow 
From  those  that  sow 

Base  treachery; 
Who  Thee  despise 
And  'gainst  Thee  rise 
Insolently. 

"Lord,  shake  off  those 
That  are  Thy  foes; 

But  thine  own  sheep, 
Guide  Thou  from  off  the  steep 
To  pastures  wide; 
Within  Thy  fold  may  they  abide, 
Who  Thy  laws  keep. 

"Ordain  that  wrath 
No  longer  burn; 
That  we  to  truth's  old  path 
Again  return. 

These  armies  then  shall  raise 
United  praise, 
And  ever  sing 
To  Thee,   Eternal   King."* 


*Op.  Zw.,  II.,  pp.  2,  275,  276,  527;  Bullinger,  II.,  p.   18*. 
Herr,  nun  heb  den  Wagen  selb'! 
Schelb  wird  sust 
All  unser  Fahrt,"  etc. 

The  poetical  version  here  given  is  that  found  in  J.  Cochran's 
translation  of  Christoffel,  and  is  a  fairly  successful  English  ren- 
dering ot  the  original  in  sentiment  and  meter. 


240  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

The  untiring  efforts  of  the  negotiators  were 
crowned  with  success.  A  treaty  of  peace  em- 
bodying eighteen  articles  was  drawn  up,  and 
received  the  signatures  of  the  leaders  of  the  two 
armies,  June  25,  1529.*  It  was  mutually  agreed 
(i)  that  no  compulsion  should  be  exercised 
against  each  other  in  matters  of  faith.  Thus,  for 
the  first  time  in  Europe  the  principle  of  the  equal- 
ity of  the  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant 
Churches  was  officially  recognized.  It  was  also 
agreed  (2)  that  those  who  abolished  the  mass,  re- 
moved or  burned  images  in  the  common  lord- 
ships, should  not  be  punished,  and  that  in  the 
future  the  majority  should  decide  on  the  aboli- 
tion or  retention  of  the  mass  and  other  rites; 
(3)  that  only  men  of  honor  and  integrity  should 
be  placed  over  these  lordships;  (4)  that  the  alli- 
ance with  Austria  should  be  dissolved  and  the 
papers  cancelled;  (5)  that  the  Five  Places  pay 
the  cost  of  the  war;  and  (6)  that  Schwyz  pay  an 
indemnity  to  the  family  of  the  martyred  Kaiser. 
The  treaty  contained  the  recommendation  that 
the  Five  Places  abolish  pensions  and  mercenary 
service.  The  closing  words  stipulated  that  in 
case  the  Five  Places  refused  to  pay  the  war  ex- 


*Bullinger,  II.,  pp.  185-191. 


POLITICO-RELIGIOUS  COMPLICATIONS    241 

penses  the  Reformed  towns  might  close  their 
markets  against  them. 

The  news  of  the  treaty  was  received  very  dif- 
ferently by  the  two  parties.  Zurich  and  Bern 
celebrated  the  event  with  acclamations  of  joy. 
More  had  been  accomplished  by  this  bloodless 
campaign  than  they  had  dared  to  hope.  Zwingli 
was  especially  elated.  "  We  have  brought  home 
with  us  a  peace,"  wrote  he  to  his  friend  Conrad 
Som,  minister  at  Ulm,  "  which  is,  as  I  hope,  hon- 
orable ;  for  we  did  not  march  out  to  shed  blood. 
Notwithstanding,  we  have  sent  our  foes  home 
with  a  wet  blanket  about  them.  God  has  again 
shown  that  the  lofty  ones  of  this  earth  can  ac- 
complish nothing  against  him."  *  He  took  little 
satisfaction,  however,  in  the  treaty  when  he 
thought  of  the  intrigues  and  profligacy  of  the 
pensioners.  Myconius  tells  us  that  he  was  wont 
to  say  that  "  he  had  encountered  in  this  cam- 
paign more  intriguing  and  baseness  of  heart  than 
he  had  ever  met  with  in  his  whole  previous  per- 
sonal experience."  f  It  seemed  to  him  that  Zu- 
rich and  her  allies  had  committed  a  fatal  blunder 
in  not  striking  a  more  effectual  blow  when  once 
they  had  the  enemy  completely  in  their  power. 
Reflecting  on  the  peace  from  this  point  of  view, 


*Op.   Zw.,  VIII.,  p.  310. 
Zw.,  XI. 


242  ULRICH    2WINGLI 

he  thus  gloomily  expressed  himself  from  his  pul- 
pit in  Zurich :  "  The  peace  of  Cappel  will  have 
this  result,  that  we  shall  not  have  long  to  fold 
our  hands  idly  over  our  heads." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL. — ZWINGLl's  DEATH. 

WE  now  enter  upon  the  narration  of  events 
which  abundantly  prove  that  Zwingli's  gloomy 
forebodings  as  to  the  consequences  of  the  treaty 
just  concluded  were  not  without  foundation.  To 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Forest  Cantons  the  terms 
of  the  treaty  were  utterly  unbearable.  They  had 
submitted  to  them  to  avoid  war,  but  with  a  se- 
cret reserve  which  rendered  that  act  altogether 
meaningless.  The  soldiers  returned  to  their 
homes  with  hearts  full  of  anger  and  chagrin, 
firmly  resolved  to  continue  steadfast  in  their  faith, 
and  to  visit  apostasy  from  it  with  such  vengeance 
as  their  arms  could  inflict.  Despite  their  pro- 
fessions, the  Five  Places  did  not  intend  to  tol- 
erate the  Reform  in  their  territory,  nor  would 
they  grant  to  the  common  bailiwicks  the  right 
to  introduce  it  by  a  majority  vote.  Of  this  the 
Zurichers  loudly  complained,  but  with  like  faith- 
lessness they  at  the  same  time  prohibited  the  cele- 
bration of  the  mass  in  their  own  city.  Zwingli 
and  his  followers,  flushed  with  their  recent  victory, 
manifested  a  zeal  and  aggressiveness  extremely 


244  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

irritating  to  the  adherents  of  the  Romish  faith. 
"  His  eye  and  arm  were  everywhere/'  says  a 
Catholic  historian,  speaking  of  Zwingli.  "  A  few 
mischief-makers,  penetrating  the  Five  Cantons, 
troubled  men's  souls,  distributed  their  frippery, 
scattered  everywhere  little  poems,  tracts,  and 
Testaments,  and  ceased  not  from  saying  that  the 
people  ought  not  to  believe  the  priests."  The 
man  whose  gigantic  labors  at  this  time  as  theo- 
logian, statesman,  and  author,  compel  our  ad- 
miration, manifested  an  equal  zeal  and  activity 
as  Gospel  preacher  and  evangelist.  In  the  in- 
terest of  the  Gospel  he  visited  in  person  the 
neighboring  cantons,  and  everywhere  eager,  in- 
terested throngs  witnessed  to  the  power  of  his 
preaching.  The  progress  which  the  Reforma- 
tion made  through  Zwingli's  preaching  in  the 
common  bailiwicks  forced  the  already  strained 
relation  existing  between  the  two  parties  to  the 
point  of  open  rupture. 

In  the  summer  of  1530  the  Roman  Catholic 
cantons  made  new  approaches  to  Austria,*  and 
sent  a  deputation  to  treat  with  Charles  V.  at 
Augsburg.  "  We  shall  have  no  peace,"  said  they, 
"  until  we  have  broken  these  bonds  and  regained 
our  former  liberties."  f  While  it  does  not  appear 


*T*ullinger,  II.,  p.  336. 
p.  324. 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF   CAPPEL 


245 


that  the  Emperor  himself  gave  any  assurances 
of  aid,  it  is  quite  probable  that  the  chief  ene- 
mies of  the  Reformation  there  present — Eck, 
Faber,  and  the  Pope's  legate — did  not  withhold 
from  this  embassage  such  words  of  encourage- 
ment as  they  could  give. 

The  Abbey  of  St.  Gall  was  still  a  fruitful  source 
of  contention,  and  continued  to  embarrass  all 
attempts  to  bring  about  a  condition  of  peace. 
The  fugitive  abbot,  Kilian  German,  appeared  be- 
fore the  Emperor  at  Augsburg,  and  prayed  for 
reinstatement  to  his  former  rights  and  dignity. 
The  desired  assurance  was  given,  but  on  his  re- 
turn from  Augsburg  he  was  accidentally  drowned 
near  Bregenz.  The  monks  at  Einsiedeln  hastily 
elected  Diethelm  Blaarer,  of  Wartensee,  as  his 
successor ;  but  Zurich  and  Glarus  on  learning  of 
the  abbot's  death,  proceeded  at  once  to  dissolve 
the  cloister.  The  jewels  and  ornaments  were 
sold  and  the  proceeds  applied  to  the  benefit  of 
the  poor.  In  these  proceedings  Zurich  clearly 
transcended  her  authority  and  greatly  accelerated 
the  crisis  which  led  to  her  punishment  the  follow- 
ing year.  At  a  general  diet  which  met  at  Baden, 
January  8,  1531,  the  Five  Cantons  declared  that 
unless  justice  was  done  them  with  respect  to  the 
Abbey  of  St.  Gall,  they  would  not  appear  again  in 
diet.  Threats  and  insults  were  freely  exchanged, 


246  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

although  the  use  of  abusive  language  was  ex- 
pressly forbidden  by  the  treaty.  "  Thief,"  "  mur- 
derer," and  "  arch-heretic,"  *  were  some  of  the 
epithets  applied  to  Zwingli.  But  the  Five  Can- 
tons did  not  content  themselves  with  the  mere 
use  of  invective.  A  vigorous  persecution  was 
raised  against  the  poor  people  among  them  who 
loved  the  Word  of  God.  They  were  fined,  im- 
prisoned, cruelly  tormented,  and  expelled  from 
their  homes.  Secret  councils  were  held  and 
threats  of  war  were  heard  on  every  side.  The 
evangelical  cities,  greatly  alarmed  by  these  war- 
like manifestations,  assembled  in  diet  at  Basel, 
February,  1531,  and  again  at  Zurich  in  March. 
At  the  former  of  these  meetings,  the  deputies  of 
Zurich  presented  a  long  list  of  grievances  alleged 
to  have  been  suffered  by  them  at  the  hands  of 
the  Five  Cantons.  "  What  can  we  do,"  inquired 
they,  "  to  punish  these  base  calumnies,  and  dis- 
arm our  enemies?"  "We  understand,"  said 
Bern,  "that  you  would  resort  to  violence,  but 
we  bid  you  reflect  that  the  Five  Cantons  are  form- 
ing secret  alliances  with  the  Pope,  the  Emperor, 
and  the  King  of  France.  Think  also  of  the  many 
innocent  and  pious  people  in  the  Five  Cantons 
who  would  suffer  in  case  of  war.  Think  how 


*Bullinger,  II.,  p.  336. 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF   CAPPEL        247 

easy  it  is  to  begin  a  war,  but  how  hard  to  pre- 
dict how  it  will  end.*  Let  us  rather  send  a  depu- 
tation to  the  Five  Cantons  requesting  the  punish- 
ment, according  to  treaty,  of  those  who  have  cir- 
culated these  infamous  slanders.  Should  they 
refuse  to  do  this,  let  us  break  off  all  intercourse 
with  them/'  "  Such  a  mission  would  be  use- 
less," said  the  deputies  of  Basel,  "  let  us  rather 
summon  a  general  diet."  This  proposal  won 
general  assent,  and  the  diet  was  accordingly  con- 
voked at  Baden  on  the  loth  of  April. 

Many  of  the  principal  men  of  the  Wald  towns 
acknowledged  and  disapproved  of  the  violence 
complained  of  by  the  Reform  party.  "  These 
insults  affect  us  no  less  than  you,"  said  they. 
"  We  will  do  what  we  can  to  bring  the  guilty  to 
justice."  At  the  same  time  they  pointed  out  that 
the  Reformed  cantons  were  themselves  guilty  of 
violence  similar  to  that  of  which  they  complained. 

While  the  discussions  of  the  diet  were  at  their 
height  deputies  arrived  from  the  Grisons  with 
the  intelligence  that  the  Castellan  of  Musso,  at 
the  head  of  a  body  of  troops  furnished  him  by 
the  Emperor,  had  invaded  Valtellina,  a  valley 
subject  to  the  Grisons.  The  diet  was  earnestly 
petitioned  to  lend  help  in  repelling  this  unlawful 


*Bullinger,  II.,  p.  346. 


248  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

inroad.  The  Grisons  had  accepted  the  Reforma- 
tion, and  the  mutual  suspicions  existing  between 
the  Reform  party  and  the  adherents  of  the  old 
faith  led  Zwingli  falsely  to  discern  in  this  inva- 
sion evidence  of  a  vast  conspiracy  between  the 
Emperor  and  the  Pope  to  stifle  the  Reformation 
in  Switzerland.  "  We  must  not  hesitate,"  said 
he ;  "  the  rupture  of  the  alliance  on  the  part  of 
the  Five  Cantons  and  the  insults  with  which  they 
load  us  impose  upon  us  the  obligation  of  march- 
ing against  our  enemies  before  the  Emperor  shall 
have  expelled  the  Landgrave,  and  subjugated 
even  ourselves."  * 

The  majority  of  the  cantons  and  towns  were 
ready  to  render  instant  assistance  to  their  un- 
fortunate allies,  but  the  Five  Cantons  refused  to 
have  any  share  in  driving  out  the  invaders.  The 
Reform  party  felt  that  such  conduct  could  not 
be  passed  over  with  impunity  without  exposing 
the  federal  compact  to  contempt.  None  felt  this 
more  strongly  than  Zwingli,  and  from  this  time 
he  advocated  the  duty  of  repressing  and  holding 
them  in  check.  There  is  great  danger  that  we 
shall  misjudge  or  fail  to  understand  Zwingli  in 
the  zeal  and  activity  which  he  manifested  in  this 
regard  unless  we  carefully  bear  in  mind  the  lofty 


•Bullinger,  II.,  p.  366. 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL        249 

principle  that  animated  and  guided  him.  Zwing- 
li  proceeded  on  the  assumption  that  the  Word  of 
God  is  the  rightful  possession  of  all  men,  because 
God  has  given  it  to  all  for  salvation.  He  con- 
ceived it  to  be  his  plain  right  and  duty  to  re- 
store the  Word  wherever  it  was  withheld.  He 
recognized  in  the  divine  Word  alone  the  author- 
ity for  what  he  did,  and  found  himself  called  of 
God  to  secure  for  his  countrymen  the  right  that 
it  be  freely  preached.  To  the  accomplishment  of 
this,  he  found,  as  he  explained  in  his  sermons, 
that  the  pensioners  were  the  greatest  obstacle  in 
the  way.  "  Zurich  owes  to  the  Confederacy," 
said  he,  "  to  insist  that  disgraceful  insults,  breach 
of  faith,  and  tyranny  meet  with  due  punishment, 
and  to  lend  its  aid  in  preventing  pious  and  inno- 
cent people  from  being  relentlessly  expelled  from 
their  homes  in  defiance  of  treaty  and  all  princi- 
ples of  justice/'  In  Zwingli's  opinion  there  were 
two  ways  in  which  his  purpose  might  be  accom- 
plished. The  first  way,  and  that  to  which  he 
inclined  as  the  more  safe  and  expedient,  was  a 
sudden  invasion  of  the  territory  of  the  Five  Can- 
tons by  a  force  so  overwhelming  that  their  ene- 
mies would  have  neither  power  nor  courage  to 
resist.  His  second  method,  in  case  the  first  was 
not  approved,  was  to  dissolve  the  Confederacy 
in  respect  to  the  Five  Cantons,  and  to  portion 


250  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

out  to  the  cantons,  on  the  basis  of  population, 
the  common  lordships.  In  this  way  he  hoped  to 
defend  the  Reformed  cantons  and  the  greater  part 
of  the  common  lordships  from  the  control  of  the 
Romanists  and  the  vitiating  influence  of  the  pen- 
sioners. Zurich  favored  a  warlike  invasion; 
Bern,  although  she  acknowledged  that  the  ac- 
tion of  the  Wald  towns  justified  so  extreme  a 
measure,  refused  to  consent,  on  the  ground  that 
such  a  step  was  too  hazardous,  since  the  Five 
Cantons  were  brave  warriors  and  had  powerful 
allies.  "  Why  inaugurate  a  bloody,  fratricidal 
war  ?  "  said  Bern.  "  The  treaty  provides,  in  case 
its  terms  are  not  complied  with,  a  way  of  en- 
forcing them.  Let  us  close  our  markets  against 
the  Five  Cantons,  and  allow  neither  wine,  salt, 
nor  steel  to  be  imported  among  them  until  they 
allow  the  Word  of  God  to  be  freely  read  and 
preached  in  their  territory  and  in  the  common 
lordships,  and  until  they  shall  punish  the  slander- 
ers of  the  evangelical  party."  Zurich,  under  the 
leadership  of  Zwingli,  met  this  proposal  with  de- 
termined opposition,  convinced  that  an  armed  in- 
vasion, though  apparently  more  violent,  was, 
nevertheless,  safer  and  more  humane.  "  By  ac- 
cepting Bern's  proposition,"  said  he,  "  we  would 
sacrifice  the  advantages  we  now  possess  by  giv- 
ing the  Five  Cantons  time  to  arm  themselves 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL        251 

and  fall  upon  us  first.  A  just  war  God  does  not 
condemn,  but  wanton  cruelty — the  starving  of 
the  innocent  with  the  guilty,  the  taking  of  bread 
from  the  mouths  of  the  aged  and  the  little  chil- 
dren. Let  us  beware  lest  by  such  a  course  we 
alienate  those  who  might  otherwise  be  our 
friends,  and  transform  them  into  foes."  *  The 
other  allies,  however,  especially  Bern,  firmly  ad- 
hered to  the  policy  of  a  blockade.  Under  these 
circumstances  nothing  remained  for  the  Zurich- 
ers  but  to  fall  into  line.  Zurich  andr  Bern 
promptly  notified  the  Five  Cantons  of  their  de- 
termination and  at  the  same  time  commanded 
the  free  bailiwicks  to  suspend  all  intercourse  with 
them.  On  the  following  Sunday,  which  was 
Pentecost,  the  resolution  was  read  from  all  the 
pulpits.  Zwingli's  heart  was  filled  with  profound 
sorrow.  After  reading  the  resolution  to  his  con- 
gregation he  made  the  following  observations 
regarding  it:  "He  who  hesitates  to  treat  his" 
adversary  like  a  criminal  must  take  the  conse- 
quences. One  must  be  ready  to  follow  words 
with  blows.  Men  of  Zurich !  ye  refuse  the  Five 
Cantons  meat  and  drink  as  though  they  were 
criminals.  Rather,  I  say,  let  the  blow  follow 
your  threats  at  once  than  that  the  poor  innocent 


*Bullinger,  II.,  p.  384. 


252  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

people  among  them  should  be  subjected  to  the 
horrors  of  slow  starvation.  Think  you  that  no 
sufficient  ground  exists  for  their  punishment? 
Why  then  do  you  refuse  them  food  and  drink? 
Depend  upon  it,  you  force  them  by  such  meas- 
ures to  take  up  arms,  march  across  the  frontier, 
and  punish  you.  So  it  will  be."  *  The  assembly 
was  deeply  moved  by  these  forceful  words.  To 
some  they  seemed  seditious ;  to  others  they  were 
the  strongest  proof  of  the  Reformer's  anxious 
concern  for  the  welfare  of  his  beloved  country. 

The  blockade  being  once  determined  on  and 
proclaimed  to  the  Wald  towns  by  Zurich  and 
Bern,  it  was  enforced  by  them  with  the  greatest 
stringency.  Even  the  free  bailiwicks,  governed 
conjunctly  by  the  Five  Cantons,  were  prevented 
from  furnishing  provisions  to  their  starving 
rulers — a  severity  which  seemed,  even  to  some 
of  the  Reform  party,  cruel  and  unjust.  From 
the  mountains  and  valleys  of  inner  Switzerland 
came  the  angry,  despairing  cries  of  the  Wald- 
statters,  starving  in  the  imprisonment  of  their 
own  homes.  Their  misery  was  greatly  aggra- 
vated by  the  scantiness  of  the  harvest.  There  was 
no  reserve  of  provisions,  and  when  the  blockade 
went  into  effect  they  immediately  found  them- 


•Bullinger,  II.,  p.  388. 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL        253 

selves  in  a  state  of  famine.  To  this  was  added 
the  horrors  of  the  plague.  The  women,  the 
children,  the  aged,  and  the  infirm  succumbed  in 
great  numbers  to  the  deadly  conditions  which 
environed  them.  Even  the  flocks  were  deprived 
of  the  necessary  salt.  The  agonizing  cry  of  the 
Waldstatters  found  an  ominous  echo  in  the  free 
cities  outside  of  Switzerland,  in  the  common 
lordships,  and  even  in  Zurich  itself.  "  It  is  un- 
christian/' said  many.  "  The  Gospel  says,  '  If 
thine  enemy  hunger,  feed  him ;  if  he  thirst,  give 
him  drink ;  for  in  so  doing  thou  shalt  heap  coals 
of  fire  on  his  head/  But  you  not  only  refuse 
food  to  enemies ;  you  also  withhold  from  the  inno- 
cent the  things  which  God  freely  gives  for  their 
support." 

But  the  loudest  cries  and  most  earnest  com- 
plaints were  those  which  issued  from  the  Five 
Cantons.  The  friends  of  Reform  inhabiting  these 
mountains,  when  they  found  themselves  thus 
cruelly  and  indiscriminately  punished,  were 
stirred  with  profound  indignation.  Zwingli's  ene- 
mies, especially  the  pensioners,  took  advantage  of 
the  ill-feeling  which  the  blockade  engendered  to 
foster  popular  discontent  in  the  Reformed  cities, 
and  to  direct  all  the  blame  and  reproach  of  this 
cruel  and  unchristian  measure  upon  the  head  of 
the  one  man  who  had  opposed  it  from  the  start, 


254  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

and  who  had  striven  most  assiduously  to  prevent 
its  adoption. 

The  Five  Cantons  in  their  desperate  straits 
sent  to  Alsace,  Brisgau,  and  Swabia  to  obtain 
provisions,  but  so  great  was  the  activity  and  vig- 
ilance of  the  Reformed  cities  that  these  attempts 
ended  in  utter  failure.  Supplies  from  Germany 
were  intercepted  by  Zurich  and  her  allies  and 
returned  to  those  who  sent  them.  In  their  dire 
extremity,  perishing  from  famine  between  the 
mountains  and  lakes,  the  Waldstatters  gave  them- 
selves up  to  the  observances  of  worship.  All 
games,  dances,  and  other  amusements  were  pro- 
hibited for  the  time,  and  general  devotions, 
pilgrimages  to  Einsiedeln  and  other  sanctuaries 
were  ordained.  In  the  Five  Cantons  the  block- 
ade led  to  vigorous,  decided  action  and  a  union 
much  closer  than  had  existed  before.  In  the  Re- 
formed cities,  especially  Zurich,  it  had  a  directly 
opposite  effect.  It  destroyed  all  unity  of  public 
sentiment,  operating  like  some  powerful  disorgan- 
izing poison  upon  the  measures  and  policies  of 
the  state.  The  people  were  divided ;  party  spirit 
increased,  and  many  became  bitter  through 
violent  discussion ;  the  Council  grew  vacillating 
and  inert  in  its  proceedings.  While  dangers  mul- 
tiplied without,  the  faith  and  courage  necessary 
to  meet  the  new  dangers  died  out  within.  In 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL        355 

the  hour  of  her  greatest  peril  and  deepest  de- 
spondency Reformed  Switzerland  failed  longer 
to  rely  on  the  Word  of  God,  the  weapon  with 
which  she  had  hitherto  won  her  victories.  With 
trembling  hand  she  grasped  the  sword  of  carnal 
warfare,  entailing  thereby  all  the  melancholy  con- 
sequences which  we  are  now  to  relate. 

In  Zurich,  each  day  witnessed  some  new  cause 
of  dissension.  At  Zwingli's  advice  the  num- 
ber of  nobles  in  the  two  councils  was  dimin- 
ished because  of  their  sympathy  with  the  mer- 
cenary service  and  opposition  to  Reform. 
Through  this  measure  Zwingli  incurred  the 
hatred  of  many  influential  families  in  the  canton. 
The  millers  and  bakers,  whose  trade  had  been 
greatly  crippled  by  the  blockade,  grew  restless 
and  irritated.  Rudolf  Lavater,  bailiff  of  Ky- 
burg,  was  appointed  captain-general  of  the  mili- 
tary forces — an  act  which  gave  great  offense  to 
officers  who  had  been  longer  in  the  service  than 
he.  Many  who  had  labored  zealously  for  reform 
now  vehemently  and  openly  opposed  it.  All  ene- 
mies of  the  Gospel  boldly  raised  their  heads 
and  united  in  pointing  out  Zwingli  as  the  author 
of  all  the  evils  into  which  the  state  had  fallen. 
In  this  morbid,  chaotic  condition  of  the  public 
mind  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  man  who  for 
more  than  a  decade  by  his  exhaustless  energy  and 


256  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

daring  enthusiasm  had  conducted  the  Reforma- 
tion along  dangerous  paths  to  such  a  glorious 
height  should  now  have  fallen  so  low  in  the 
popular  esteem.  But  we  are  saddened  and  op- 
pressed by  the  cruel  injustice  which  would  make 
him  responsible  for  the  results  of  a  measure 
which  he  had  opposed  with  all  his  might.  Every- 
where he  was  represented  by  his  enemies  as  the 
sole  author  of  the  misery  and  strife  of  the  times. 
He  was  publicly  denounced  as  a  demagogue,  in- 
surrectionist, and  tyrant,  seeking  the  favor  of  the 
peasants  in  order  to  reduce  through  their  as- 
sistance the  power  of  the  towns.  And  the  igno- 
rant burghers  who  in  the  present  condition  of 
affairs  saw  their  chalets,  their  property,  and  the 
lives  and  fortunes  of  their  families  in  constant 
peril  were  all  too  ready  to  credit  the  libelous 
stories  which  they  heard.  Thus  it  happened  that 
the  man  who  during  all  these  years  of  active  and 
intense  public  service  had  occupied  a  lofty  posi- 
tion in  the  popular  esteem,  especially  in  his  own 
canton,  suddenly  found  himself  the  man  of  all 
men  most  hated.  One  unanimous  voice  of  con- 
demnation was  raised  against  him.  Zwingli  was 
heartbroken.  With  profound  grief  the  strong 
man  of  affairs  behelH  a  sudden  paralysis  settling 
down  upon  his  efficiency  as  a  servant  of  God. 
His  days  of  usefulness  seemed  at  an  end. 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF   CAPPEL        257 

On  the  26th  of  July,  1531,  Zwingli  appeared 
before  the  Great  Council  and,  in  a  voice  quaver- 
ing with  uncontrollable  emotion,  requested  that 
he  be  released  from  the  duties  and  responsibili- 
ties of  his  position.  "  For  the  space  of  eleven 
years/'  said  he,  "  I  have  preached  the  Gospel 
among  you,  and  as  a  father  have  faithfully  warned 
you  against  impending  woes.  But  no  heed  has 
been  paid  to  my  words.  The  friends  of  foreign 
alliances  and  the  enemies  of  the  Gospel  are 
elected  to  the  Council,  and  while  you  refuse  to 
follow  my  advice  I  am  made  responsible  for 
every  misfortune.  I  cannot  accept  such  a  posi- 
tion, and  I  therefore  ask  for  my  dismissal."  The 
Council  was  surprised  and  overwhelmed  by  this 
speech.  The  city  was  in  imminent  peril,  and  if 
Zwingli  retired  from  the  leadership  who  was  to 
be  its  deliverer  ?  The  two  burgomasters  and  a  few 
of  Zwingli's  most  intimate  friends  were  commis- 
sioned to  confer  with  him  and  endeavor  to  dis- 
suade him  from  his  purpose.  Zwingli  asked  for 
three  days  in  which  to  formulate  his  decision.  At 
the  expiration  of  that  time  he  appeared  again 
before  the  Council  and  said  that  "  inasmuch  as 
amendment  had  been  promised  he  would  remain 
and  do  his  best,  with  God's  grace,  until  death." 
Zurich  now  seemed  to  throw  aside  her  irresolu- 
tion and  act  with  her  old-time  energy.  But  it 


258  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

was  not  for  long.  Party  spirit,  with  all  its  blight- 
ing effects,  reappeared  with  even  greater  force; 
while  from  the  Five  Cantons  came  indubitable 
proofs  of  their  determination  to  compel  the  rais- 
ing of  the  blockade  by  force  of  arms. 

In  the  summer  of  1531  a  general  diet  was  con- 
voked at  Bremgarten  in  the  hope  that  all  parties 
might  arrive  at  an  amicable  settlement  of  exist- 
ing differences.  It  was  opened  in  the  presence 
of  deputies  from  France,  Milan,  Neuchatel, 
Grisons,  Valais,  Thurgovia,  and  the  district  of 
the  Sargans.  Five  sessions  were  held.  At  the 
opening  session,  which  convened  in  June,  the 
chronicler  Bullinger,  pastor  of  Bremgarten,  de- 
livered an  oration  in  which  he  earnestly  exhorted 
the  confederates  to  make  peace.  Hopeful  signs 
appeared  while  the  diet  was  in  session.  The 
blockade  was  less  strictly  enforced  and  in  many 
places  the  feelings  of  animosity  which  separated 
the  people  were  almost  forgotten.  Supplies  were 
conveyed  to  the  hungry  Waldstatters  over  secret 
mountain  roads  or  smuggled  in  with  merchan- 
dise. Bern  punished  lightly  those  who  were  con- 
victed of  bearing  food  to  the  blockaded  cantons, 
and  sometimes  closed  her  eyes  entirely  to  of- 
fenses of  this  kind.  Every  effort  was  made  by 
the  deputies  to  restore  peace;  but  the  demands 
of  the  two  parties  were  so  directly  opposed 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL 


259 


that  it  was  impossible  to  mediate.  As  a 
preliminary  to  entering  upon  any  negotiations 
the  Five  Cantons  demanded  the  raising  of  the 
blockade.  Zurich  and  Bern  refused  to  consent 
to  this,  and  demanded  in  turn  that  the  reading 
and  preaching  of  God's  Word  should  be  freely 
allowed,  not  only  in  the  common  bailiwicks,  but 
in  the  Five  Cantons  also.  "  It  is  more  cruel," 
said  they,  in  defense  of  this  demand,  "  to  deprive 
hungry  souls  of  the  bread  of  life  than  to  deprive 
them  of  mere  food  for  the  body."  Zwingli,  who 
was  ever  ready  to  lay  down  his  life  for  the  Gospel, 
beheld  with  deep  anxiety  that  the  dangers  and 
embarrassments  of  the  situation  were  increasing 
daily,  but  it  seemed  to  him  that  the  open  rupture 
which  he  was  striving  to  avert  was  preferable  to 
further  inactivity.  For  this  inaction  he  felt  that 
Bern  was  principally  responsible,  and  thinking 
that  perhaps  he  might  do  something  to  rouse  her, 
he  repaired  to  Bremgarten  during  the  fourth  ses- 
sion of  the  diet,  and  in  company  with  a  few 
friends,  held  a  conference  with  the  Bernese  dep- 
uties. To  insure  secrecy  the  journey  was  made 
at  night,  and  the  conference  took  place  in  the 
home  of  his  friend  Bullinger.*  Zwingli  in  the 
most  earnest  terms  begged  the  Bernese  deputies 


*Bullinger,   III.,  p.  48. 


*6o  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

to  ponder  the  dangers  to  Reform.  "  From  the 
treachery  that  prevails/'  said  he,  "  I  fear  that 
matters  will  have  an  unfortunate  ending.  The 
embargo  laid  on  provisions  was  a  very  inauspi- 
cious measure  for  the  towns.  If  it  be  given  up 
the  pensioners  will  only  be  rendered  more  arro- 
gant; if  it  be  persisted  in  they  will  attack  us 
and  you  will  behold  the  fields  red  with  the  blood 
of  believers,  the  Church  of  Christ  laid  waste,  and 
our  adversaries  more  hardened  and  irritated 
against  the  Gospel  than  ever."  The  Bernese 
promised  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  induce  their 
government  to  adopt  a  more  decided  course  of 
action. 

That  it  might  not  be  known  to  the  delegates 
of  the  Five  Cantons  that  he  had  been  in  the  city, 
Zwingli  quitted  Bremgarten  before  daybreak. 
Bullinger  accompanied  him  part  way  homeward. 
When  the  time  for  parting  came  Zwingli  was 
seized  with  forebodings  that  he  should  never 
see  him  again.  He  thrice  bade  him  fare- 
well. u  God  preserve  thee,  dear  Henry ;  remain 
faithful  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  his  Church," 
were  his  last  words  to  his  friend  and  successor. 

The  feeling  of  dread  and  impending  evil  which 
filled  men's  minds  was  very  much  deepened  and 
intensified  by  certain  astronomical  events  that 
occurred  about  this  time.  Rumor  and  supersti- 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF   CAPPEL        261 

tion  played  their  accustomed  part,  and  the  hearts 
of  the  people  were  weighed  down  with  the  most 
gloomy  apprehensions.  In  August  of  the  year 
1531  a  comet*  of  unusual  size  appeared  in  the 
heavens.  One  night  Zwingli,  in  company  with  his 
friend,  George  Muller,  watched  it  from  the 
churchyard,  near  the  Great  Minster.  "  What  does 
this  star  signify,  my  dear  Ulrich  ?  "  inquired  his 
friend.  "  My  dear  George,  it  will  cost  me  and 
many  another  man  his  life ;  but  God  will  not  de- 
sert us/' he  replied. f  It  was  reported  by  a  Bernese 
official  that  at  a  certain  place  in  Aargau  blood  had 
been  observed  flowing  from  the  earth  in  streams.^ 
Another  reported  that  at  Zug  a  shield,  suspended 
in  the  air,  had  been  seen,  and  that  gun  shots 
had  been  heard  at  dead  of  night  on  the  river 
Reuss.  At  another  place  banners  were  seen  wav- 
ing in  the  air,  and  a  phantom  fleet,  manned  by 
ghostly  warriors,  had  been  sighted  cruising  on 
the  Lake  of  Lucerne.  All  these  rumored  por- 
tents of  war  inflamed  men's  minds  to  the  highest 
pitch.  Zwingli,  on  his  part,  saw  the  most  evi- 
dent signs  of  coming  disaster  to  the  Church  and 
country  in  the  growing  pQwer  of  the  mercenary 
party;  in  the  general  demoralization  which  they 
Tiad  produced  among  the  Evangelicals;  and  in 

*Halley's  comet. 


*Jialley  s  comet. 
tBullinger,  III.,  p.  46. 
JOp.   Zw.,  VIII.,  p.   628. 


262  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

the  public  faithlessness  and  treachery  which  they 
had  everywhere  induced.  Nevertheless  he 
thought  that  by  remaining  at  his  post  he  would 
recover,  if  not  all,  a  large  part  at  least,  of  his 
old-time  authority  and  influence.  In  this  he  was 
deceived;  for  although  the  people  wanted  him 
as  leader,  they  would  not  follow  him.  The  Zu- 
richers  tamely  adopted  more  and  more  the  pas- 
sivity and  indifference  of  their  Bernese  neigh- 
bors, and  became  so  stupefied,  so  motionless  and 
dead,  that  the  most  inspiring  counsels  and  vigor- 
ous exertions  of  the  great  Reformer  could  not 
rouse  them.  Once  more,  however,  he  raised  his 
voice  in  earnest  warning :  "  Be  it  so,"  said  he ; 
"  no  word  of  mine  is  of  further  use.  You  will 
not  punish  the  pensioners  who  lift  their  heads  so 
proudly.  They  have  strong  support  among  you ; 
but  for  my  strangling  a  strong  chain  is  being 
forged  and  prepared.  I  am  ready  and  submit 
myself  to  the  will  of  God.  But  to  thee,  O  Zu- 
rich, they  will  give  the  reward  of  iniquity,  and 
will  drive  a  stake  through  thy  head ;  for  so  thou 
wouldst  have  it.  Thou  wilt  not  punish  them,  and 
they  will  punish  thee.  Nevertheless,  God  will 
preserve  his  Word,  and  will  guide  and  protect 
his  Church."  * 


*Bullinger,  II.,  p.  52. 


HH 

O 

HH 


Q  «§ 
O    3 

.§ 

I 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL        263 

Once  more  the  mediating  cantons,  assembled 
in  diet  at  Aarau,  endeavored  to  avert  an  armed 
conflict.  It  was  proposed  to  leave  the  religious 
question  just  as  it  had  been  settled  by  the  treaty 
of  1529.  Zurich  and  Bern  evinced  a  willingness 
to  accept  this  proposal,  but  the  Five  Cantons 
haughtily  rejected  it.  "  We  would  rather  die," 
said  Lucerne,  "  than  yield  the  least  thing  to  the 
prejudice  of  our  faith."  This  futile  attempt  of 
the  mediators  discouraged  the  reformers  the 
more  and  gave  confidence  to  their  opponents. 
Although  Zwingli  never  for  a  moment  doubted 
the  righteousness  of  his  course,  he  became  from 
this  hour  quite  despairing  concerning  the  conflict 
which  he  saw  near  approaching.  Wearied  and 
exhausted  by  the  turbulence  and  anxiety  of  the 
times,  a  period  of  calm  indifference  now  settled 
down  upon  him.  Rumors  of  war  ceased  and 
men  abandoned  themselves  to  feelings  of  peaceful 
security.  A  very  different  condition  of  affairs 
prevailed  in  the  Five  Cantons.  The  Waldstatters 
were  making  quiet  but  vigorous  preparations  to 
recover  their  rights  by  force  of  arms.  Assembled 
in  diet  at  Brunnen,  on  the  banks  of  Lake  Lu- 
cerne, they  had  declared  war  against  Zurich  and 
Bern. 

All  the  passes  between  the  Five  Cantons  and 
Zurkh  had  been  carefully  guarded  so  that  no 


264  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

news  of  the  declaration  or  knowledge  of  their 
hostile  movements  could  be  carried  from  the  val- 
leys to  forewarn  their  enemies.  The  scouts 
which  Zurich  had  stationed  about  the  Lake  of 
Lucerne  were  made  prisoners  and  could  forward 
no  information  to  their  brethren.  But  notwith- 
standing the  utmost  exertion  on  the  part  of  the 
Five  Cantons,  it  was  impossible  entirely  to  con- 
ceal from  Zurich  the  preparations  for  invasion 
that  were  being  made.  On  the  4th  of  October 
the  hostile  movements  of  the  Five  Cantons  were 
reported  to  certain  friends  of  reform  in  the  little 
town  of  Cappel.  An  earnest  warning  was  des- 
patched to  Zurich;  but  no  heed  was  paid  to  it. 
Zwingli  himself  refused  to  credit  the  report.* 

On  the  Qth,  an  army  of  twelve  thousand  in 
number  marched  in  the  direction  of  Hitzkirch. 
Arriving  in  the  free  bailiwicks,  the  anger  of  the 
soldiers  was  kindled,  on  entering  the  churches, 
to  see  them  stripped  of  their  ornaments  and  the 
images  and  altars  broken  down.  In  a  spirit 
of  revenge  they  overran  the  country,  pillaging 
and  destroying  in  every  direction.  Toward  even- 
ing of  the  same  day  the  main  division  of  the 
army,  eight  thousand  strong,  moved  toward  Zug, 
intending  to  march  thence  upon  Zurich.  Mean- 


•Bullinger,   III.,  p.  86. 


THE   SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL        265 

while  a  scout  who  had  been  sent  out  by  Lavater, 
the  commander  of  the  Zurich  forces,  to  make  a 
reconnaissance,  returned  after  a  most  perilous 
journey  with  the  alarming  news  that  the  Wald- 
statters  were  hastening  to  arms  in  great  num- 
bers near  Zug.*  It  was  high  time  for  Zurich 
to  awake  from  her  sleep ;  but  it  seemed  as  if 
nothing  could  rouse  her.  On  receipt  of  this  news 
the  Council  assembled  in  small  numbers,  and, 
after  despatching  two  of  their  number  to  Cappel 
to  obtain  information,  adjourned.  From  the  two 
messengers  came  the  alarming  report  that  on 
the  borders  of  Zug  the  country  people  had  al- 
ready assembled  to  defend  themselves  and  were 
complaining  loudly  of  the  negligence  of  Zurich. 
The  messengers  urged  that  troops  be  sent  at  once 
to  meet  the  enemy,  who  were  assembling  at  Baar. 
It  was  now  evident  to  the  dullest  mind  that  an 
armed  conflict  was  inevitable. 

On  the  morning  of  October  loth  the  Great 
Council  hastily  convened,  and  after  long  and 
heated  deliberation  an  agreement  was  reached 
to  send  Captain  George  Goeldli  to  Cappel  with 
a  detachment  of  six  hundred  men  and  a  few 
pieces  of  field  artillery.  Goeldli  and  his  com- 


"Bullinger.  III.,  p.  87. 


266  ULRICH    ZWINGL1 

mand  reached  Cappel  that  night.*  After  his  de- 
parture, Captain-General  Lavater  summoned  a 
council  of  war  and  urged  that  a  general  alarm 
be  sounded  calling  all  male  citizens  to  the  de- 
fense of  the  city  and  canton.  But  inasmuch  as 
neither  the  captain-general  nor  the  council  of 
war  had  authority  to  issue  such  a  call,  it  was 
necessary  to  await  the  action  of  the  Council. 
The  Council's  consent  was  given,  but  it  involved 
a  delay  of  many  precious  hours.  At  seven  o'clock 
in  the  evening  the  alarm  bells  began  to  ring. 
A  storm  of  wind  and  rain  accompanied  by  a 
slight  earthquake  added  greatly  to  the  terror  and 
confusion  of  the  hour.  At  midnight  a  detach- 
ment of  troops  was  despatched  to  Bremgarten 
and  another  somewhat  smaller  was  sent  to 
Wadenswil.  This  was  a  grave  mistake,  as  the 
events  of  the  following  day  proved.  Every  man 
was  needed  ait  Cappel ;  for  there  the  Five  Can- 
tons had  concentrated  all  their  forces. 

In  the  morning  the  standard  of  Zurich  was 
set  up  at  the  Town  Hall,  and  under  it  Lavater 
stationed  himself  to  muster  in  all  who  should 
gather  about  it.  Slowly  and  half-heartedly  the 


*The  little  town  of  Cappel  lies  in  a  pleasant  valley  ten  miles 
south  of  Zurich,  and  four  miles  north  of  Zug.  Between  it  and 
Zurich  rises  the  Albis  range  of  mountains,  the  northernmost 
point  of  which  is  the  Uetliberg,  2,865  feet  above  the  sea.  The 
highway  from  Zurich  to  Cappel  winds  along  the  Sihlthal,  crossing 
the  Albis  at  Albishochwacht,  a  point  overlooking  Cappel  and  the 
entire  valley  to  the  south. 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF   CAPPEL        267 

Zurichers  rallied  about  their  leader.  All  was 
disorder  and  confusion.  By  ten  o'clock  a  motley 
crowd  composed  of  laborers,  peasants,  merchants, 
and  ministers — without  uniform,  and  bearing  all 
manner  of  weapons — gathered  about  the  standard. 
In  the  meantime  messenger  after  messenger  ar- 
rived in  breathless  haste  from  Cappel,  announc- 
ing the  terrible  danger  that  threatened  Zurich. 
With  such  a  mob  to  command,  Lavater  found  it 
impossible  to  maintain  even  a  show  of  military 
discipline.  Before  the  signal  for  departure  was 
given  a  considerable  number  rushed  off  in  the 
direction  of  Cappel.  Zwingli,  true  to  his  custom 
on  former  occasions  when  the  people  of  his  par- 
ish had  taken  up  arms,  joined  the  standard  in 
the  capacity  of  field-chaplain.  Clad  in  a  shirt  of 
mail,  with  a  steel  helmet  on  his  head  and  armed 
with  sword  and  battle-ax,*  he  issued  from  his 
house  f  near  the  Great  Minster.  Before  mounting 
his  horse  a  painful  scene  ensued  as  he  bade  fare- 
well to  his  wife  and  children.  Enervated  by  the 


*Zwingli's  sword,  battle-ax  and  helmet  have  been  carefully 
preserved,  and  repose  at  present  in  a  glass  case  in  the  Armory 
of  the  Landesmuseum  at  Zurich.  A  ragged  hole  in  the  side  of 
the  helmet  near  the  brim,  from  which  a  fracture  extends  to  the 
crown,  mutely  testifies  to  the  manner  in  which  the  Reformer  met 
his  death. 

tThe  house  stands  in  what  is  now  Kirchgasse  (No.  13),  and 
is  at  present  the  residence  of  the  sacristan  of  the  Grossmiinster. 
Over  the  entrance  is  a  bronze  tablet  bearing  the  words:  Zwing- 
li's  official  residence.  From  this  house  he  went  forth  Oct.  u, 
1531,  with  the  forces  of  Zurich  to  Cappel,  where  he  perished  for 
his  faith.  Zwingli's  living-room  and  bedroom  are  shown  to 
visitors,  and  it  is  probable  that  these  have  suffered  little  or  no 
change  since  he  occupied  them. 


268  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

severe  strain  of  his  recent  labors  and  smarting 
under  the  reproaches  and  calumnies  heaped  upon 
him  by  his  enemies,  the  presentiment  that  he 
should  never  see  his  dear  ones  again  in  this  life 
proved  almost  too  much  for  his  stalwart  heart. 
Summoning  all  his  resolution,  he  turned  to  his 
horse,  which  reared  violently  the  moment  he 
touched  the  saddle — a  bad  omen  as  it  seemed  to 
the  onlookers.  But  grasping  the  reins  tightly 
in  one  hand  and  the  banner  in  the  other  he  ap- 
plied the  spurs  and  rode  rapidly  away  to  join 
Lavater  and  his  nondescript  command  of  seven 
hundred  men.  Oswald  Myconius,  who  wit- 
nessed the  departure,  thus  pictures  it :  "  There 
was  no  order,  no  discipline,  no  heart;  in  short, 
there  was  the  greatest  confusion.  The  troops 
were  scattered  and  were  running  hither  and 
thither.  Zwingli  followed  among  the  last  horse- 
men, armed  according  to  our  custom.  As  I  saw 
him,  a  sudden  feeling  of  grief  almost  overpow- 
ered me."  * 

Messenger  after  messenger  from  Cappel,  meet- 
ing the  troops  on  the  way,  urged  them  to  hasten. 
On  reaching  the  crest  of  the  Albis,  Captain  Will- 
iam Tonig  advised  waiting  until  their  column 
should  be  strengthened  by  further  accessions 


»0s.  Myc.  Vita  Zw.,  XII. 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL        269 

from  Zurich,  but  the  thunder  of  cannon  came 
rolling  up  the  valley,  announcing  that  a  battle 
was  already  in  progress.  Lavater  led  the  troops 
forward  at  redoubled  speed. 

For  the  advance  guard,  which  had  left  Zurich 
the  previous  afternoon,  the  night  had  likewise 
proved  a  stormy  and  eventful  one.  On  arriving 
at  Cappel  the  forces  under  Goeldli's  command 
had  taken  up  a  strong  position  on  the  crest  of  a 
hill  lying  to  the  north  of  the  town.  The  spot 
was,  on  the  whole,  admirably  chosen;  for  there 
was  a  deep  ditch  defending  the  left  flank,  while 
not  far  distant  from  the  right  of  their  position, 
on  the  same  ridge,  was  a  piece  of  woods.  In 
front  of  the  Zurich  line,  reaching  away  to  the 
south  and  east  in  the  direction  of  Zug,  was  a 
swampy  meadow  the  whole  range  of  which  could 
be  easily  commanded  by  the  Zurich  artillery 
planted  upon  the  eminence.  And  it  was  here  in 
this  meadow  that  the  Foresters,  to  the  number 
of  eight  thousand  picked  men,  had  pitched  their 
camp. 

The  troops  of  the  Five  Cantons  having  taken 
the  customary  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  standard, 
an  orderly  was  commissioned  to  carry  the  dec- 
laration of  war  to  the  commander  of  the  Zurich 
forces.  In  the  Zurich  camp  preparations  for  bat- 
tle were  already  in  progress  when  the  orderly  ar- 


270  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

rived.  A  council  of  war  was  called  and  the  dec- 
laration read.  It  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of 
the  council  that  the  forces  at  their  command  were 
inadequate  to  successfully  withstand  an  attack. 
Some  advised  immediate  retreat;  others  advised 
maintaining  their  present  position  until  forced  to 
retire ;  and  when  a  vote  was  taken  this  was  found 
to  be  the  wish  of  the  majority.  But  the  session 
of  the  council  was  abruptly  terminated  by  the 
arrival  of  a  scout  who  reported  that  the  enemy 
were  advancing,  and  that  the  pickets  stationed  at 
the  foot  of  the  slope  were  falling  back.  There 
was  no  time  for  further  deliberation.  Far  across 
the  meadows  and  directly  in  front  of  the  Zurich 
lines  could  be  seen  the  Foresters,  approaching 
as  rapidly  as  the  nature  of  the  ground  would 
permit.  Before  reaching  fighting  range  they 
halted,  finding  the  meadows  well  nigh  impassable 
by  reason  of  their  miry  condition  and  the  tangled 
mass  of  vegetation  that  covered  them.  They  re- 
tired to  the  slopes  of  the  Ifelsberg,  and  having 
planted  a  battery  there,  at  ten  o'clock  opened  fire 
on  the  Zurichers.  The  Zurichers  from  their  lofty 
position  on  the  ridge  promptly  returned  the  fire. 
But  owing  to  the  great  distance  separating  the 
hostile  lines  and  the  unskilful  handling  of  the 
guns  little  loss  was  inflicted  on  either  side.  Per- 
ceiving this,  the  commander  of  the  Five  Cantons 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL        271 

once  more  ordered  an  advance  across  the  mo- 
rass. Slowly  the  Foresters  moved  down  the 
slopes  of  the  Ifelsberg.  Again  they  found  them- 
selves hopelessly  entangled,  and  this  time  ex- 
posed to  the  galling  fire  of  the  Zurichers.  At 
this  crisis  of  the  action  it  seems  probable  that 
more  competent  leadership  on  the  part  of  Captain 
Goeldli  might  have  saved  the  day  for  Zurich  and 
thereby  profoundly  affected  the  future  religious 
history  of  Switzerland.  As  a  field  officer  he  com- 
mitted a  great  blunder  in  leaving  the  wood  on 
the  right  flank  unguarded,  and  we  are  con- 
strained to  assert  that  it  was  something  more  cul- 
pable than  a  blunder  when  we  consider  that  he 
was  repeatedly  and  emphatically  warned  of  this 
error  by  his  fellow  officers.  Had  Goeldli  at  this 
moment  shifted  his  position  to  the  wood  and  un- 
der its  cover  attacked  the  confused  and  strug- 
gling lines  of  the  Foresters  on  the  left  flank  he 
would  have  had  them  completely  at  his  mercy. 
Meanwhile  the  reinforcements  under  Lavater 
had  arrived  upon  the  scene.  The  firing  had  now 
ceased.  Councils  of  war  were  held  on  both  sides, 
and,  as  evening  was  approaching,  both  decided  to 
go  into  camp  for  the  night.  Unfortunately  for 
Zurich,  there  was  one  man  in  the  ranks  of  the 
Foresters  who  had  not  failed  to  note  the  fatal 
mistake  of  her  commanders.  This  man,  John 


272  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Jauch  by  name,  taking  with  him  a  few  trusty 
comrades,  entered  the  wood,  which,  extending  in 
a  semi-circle,  almost  united  the  hostile  lines,  and 
creeping  up  within  a  short  distance  of  the  Zu- 
rich camp,  perceived  the  melancholy  disorder  and 
general  incaution  that  prevailed  there.  He  has- 
tened back  to  camp  and  implored  his  chiefs  to 
advance  through  the  wood  and  fall  upon  the 
right  flank  of  the  Zurichers  without  delay.  The 
chiefs  refused  to  listen.  Brandishing  his  sword 
and  exclaiming,  "  Let  all  true  warriors  follow 
me,"  *  Jauch  rushed  off  to  the  wood  followed  by 
about  three  hundred  of  his  comrades.  When 
they  emerged  from  the  cover  of  the  forest  night 
had  settled  down  upon  the  valley,  but  the  near 
glow  of  innumerable  camp  fires  rendered  other 
light  or  guidance  unnecessary.  Armed  with 
spears  and  halberds,  they  fell  savagely  upon  the 
Zurichers,  who,  taken  wholly  by  surprise,  were 
thrown  into  the  wildest  confusion.  A  frightful 
carnage  followed.  Lavater  seizing  his  halberd 
rallied  a  few  about  him  and  led  the  charge.  The 
Zurich  artillery  was  trained  upon  the  wood,  but 
the  aim  was  wild  owing  to  the  darkness  and 
confusion.  Nevertheless  the  Zurichers  fought 
bravely  and  for  a  time  held  the  enemy  at  bay. 


*Bullinger,   III.,  p.   125. 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL        273 

The  bloody  struggle  was  at  its  height  when 
strong  reinforcements  hastening  from  the  camp 
of  the  Five  Cantons  arrived  on  the  scene.  The 
Zurichers,  resolutely  contesting  every  inch  of 
ground,  were  now  driven  back  by  the  overpow- 
ering superiority  of  numbers.  Their  right  flank 
had  been  turned  and  cut  to  pieces.  The  deep 
ditch  which  had  protected  their  left  flank  was 
now  in  the  rear,  and  toward  it  they  were  madly 
driven.  Those  who  had  escaped  the  slaughter 
turned  and  fled  for  their  lives.  In  the  darkness, 
confusion,  and  terror  of  the  hour  many  fell  into 
the  ditch  and  there  miserably  perished.  The 
Foresters  were  victorious.  The  battlefield  was 
strewn  with  the  pride  of  the  inhabitants  of  Zu- 
rich to  the  number  of  five  hundred.  The  list  of 
dead  included  twenty-six  members  of  the  Great 
and  Small  Councils  and  sixty-five  residents  of 
the  -city.  Zwingli  had  bravely  maintained  his 
place  in  the  thickest  of  the  conflict.  In  the  faith- 
ful discharge  of  his  duty  as  chaplain  he  was 
stooping  down  to  offer  a  consoling  word  to  a 
fallen  comrade  when  a  large  stone,  hurled  by  a 
Waldstatter,  struck  him  on  the  side  of  the  head, 
near  the  temple,  and  he  sank  insensible  to  the 
ground.  When  he  regained  consciousness  and 
attempted  to  rise,  a  soldier  who  was  passing  by 
stabbed  him  with  his  spear.  Contemplating  the 


274  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

wound,  as  his  life-blood  flowed  from  it,  he  ex- 
claimed, "  What  does  it  matter !  They  may  kill 
the  body,  but  they  cannot  kill  the  soul."  *  These 
were  his  last  words.  After  the  battle,  a  Forester 
searching  among  the  dead  and  wounded  ap- 
proached the  spot  where  Zwingli  lay.  The  Re- 
former's hands  were  clasped  and  his  eyes,  which 
were  directed  toward  heaven,  wore  the  fixed  ex- 
pression of  one  hovering  between  life  and  death. 
In  the  dim  light  of  his  torch  the  Forester  per- 
ceived that  the  wounded  man's  lips  were  moving 
as  if  in  prayer.  Not  knowing  that  it  was  Zwingli, 
he  offered  to  fetch  a  priest  to  absolve  his  sins. 
Unable  to  speak,  Zwingli  declined  the  offer  by  a 
slight  motion  of  his  head.  By  this  time  a  little 
group  had  assembled  around  the  fallen  but  un- 
recognized Reformer,  and  inferring  that  he  was 
of  the  Reformed  faith  from  his  continued  refusal 
to  accept  priestly  mediation,  all  joined  in  revil- 
ing him.  At  length  one  of  the  bystanders,  an 
officer  from  Unterwalden,  more  zealous  and 
cruel  than  the  others,  drew  his  sword  and  gave 
the  dying  man  a  fatal  thrust.  Thus,  in  the  very 
prime  of  manhood,f  in  the  very  flower  of  his  use- 
fulness, perished  the  Reformer  of  Zurich,  the 


*Os.  Myc.   Vita  Zw.,  XII. 

tZwingli   was  47  years,   9   months,  and   u    days  old  when  he 
died. 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF   CAPPEL        275 

man  who,  as  co-laborer  with  Luther  in  the  Ref- 
ormation of  the  Church,  is  entitled  to  share  with 
him  in  large  measure  the  credit  and  distinction 
of  having  been  the  founder  of  the  movement.* 

When  morning  came,  the  work  of  disposing  of 
the  dead  began.  A  Forester  discovered  a  body 
lying  near  a  small  pear  tree  f  and  was  in  the  act 
of  lifting  it  from  the  ground  when  he  quickly  let 
it  fall.  A  glance  at  the  face  caused  him  to  sus- 
pect that  it  was  Zwingli.  He  called  to  his  com- 
rades and  a  crowd  soon  gathered,  many  of  whom 
had  seen  Zwingli  in  life  and  were  able,  therefore, 
promptly  to  identify  the  body.  A  disgraceful 
scene,  which  reflects  the  religious  rancor  and 
bigotry  of  the  times,  ensued.  A  council  was  held 
over  the  body.  Being  adjudged  a  traitor  to  the 
Confederacy  and  a  heretic  to  the  Faith,  formal 
sentence  was  given  that  it  be  first  quartered  and 
then  burnt  and  the  ashes  scattered  to  the  winds.J 
The  sentence  was  promptly  executed  by  the 


*Bullinger,   III.,  p.    136. 

tin  1837  a  monument  was  erected  on  the  alleged  spot  where 
Zwingli  expired.  It  stands  but  a  short  distance  east  of  the  high- 
way and  consists  of  a  huge  boulder  embedded  on  a  rock  founda- 
tion. On  one  side  is  this  inscription  in  Latin:  Here  Ulrich 
Zwingli,  who  was  with  Martin  Luther  in  the  sixteenth  century 
the  founder  of  the  emancipated  Christian  Church,  died  in  the 
full  hope  of  immortal  life  on  the  nth  of  October,  1531,  -fighting 
bravely  for  truth  and  country. 

On  the  opposite  side  is  this  inscription  in  German:  You 
may  kill  the  body,  but  you  cannot  kill  the  soul.  So  said  Ulrich 
Zwingli,  as  on  October  nth,  1531-,  he  here  lay  dying  for  truth 
and  for  the  freedom  of  the  Cliristian  Church. 

JMyconius  says  that  this  disposition  was  made  of  the  body  to 
prevent  its  ever  being  recognized  and  recovered  by  friends  and 
admirers.  Os.  Myc.  Vita  Zw.,  XII. 


276  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

hangman  of  Lucerne.  "  Men  may  destroy  his 
body,"  wrote  his  friend,  Leo  Jud,  soon  after, 
"  they  may  abuse  and  vent  their  rage  against  the 
innocent  even  after  his  death ;  but  a  brave  man's 
death  cannot  be  disgraceful,  nor  a  saint's  death 
miserable.  He  still  lives,  and  will  live,  a  hero 
forever,  having  bequeathed  to  posterity  an  im- 
perishable memorial  of  priceless  worth." 

It  was  found  that  many  of  Zwingli's  friends 
and  co-laborers  had  shared  his  fate.  Baron  von 
Geroldseck,  Abbot  Joner,  of  Cappel,  and  more 
than  a  score  of  Reformed  clergymen  met  death 
on  the  field.  Captain  Tonig  was  also  among 
the  slain. 

It  was  late  evening  of  the  fateful  day  when 
the  dreadful  news  was  brought  to  Anna  Zwingli. 
She  had  spent  the  weary  hours  of  that  afternoon 
in  prayer.  Stunned  by  the  message  that  her  hus- 
band was  slain,  she  seemed  incapable  of  greater 
agony  as  fresh  messengers  from  the  scene  of 
battle  added  blow  on  blow.  Her  son,  Gerold 
Meyer  von  Knonau,  her  son-in-law  and  her 
brother-in-law  were  also  numbered  with  the  dead. 

When  Henry  Bullinger  became  Zwingli's  suc- 
cessor in  the  Great  Minster  at  Zurich  he  proved 
his  faithfulness  and  devotion  to  his  friend's  mem- 
ory by  taking  Anna  and  her  children  into  his 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL        277 

own  home  and  treating  them  as  members  of  the 
family.* 

After  Zwingli's  death  Romanists  and  Luther- 
ans joined  hands  in  vilifying  his  name  and  mis- 
representing his  work.  Even  in  Zurich  there 
were  not  a  few  who  attributed  to  him  all  the  mis- 
fortunes resulting  from  the  defeat,  and  who 
therefore  rejoiced  over  his  untimely  death.  But 
in  his  native  city  and  canton  friends  were  more 
numerous  than  foes.  In  Bern,  Basel,  and  the 
cities  of  Southern  Germany,  where  the  Zwinglian 
Reformation  had  gained  a  firm  footing,  were 
many  who  lamented  his  tragic  end  and  loyally 
defended  his  memory.  If,  as  the  subsequent  his- 
tory of  German  Switzerland  proves,  Zwingli's 
followers  suffered  the  work  of  reform  to  rest 
where  he  left  it,  it  was  not  because  they  had 
ceased  to  believe  in  him  or  actively  sympathize 
with  the  cause  to  which  he  had  offered  up  his 
life.  The  battle  of  Cappel  was  a  crushing  blow 
to  the  Reform  cause.  The  treaty  which  fol- 
lowed it,  as  dictated  by  the  adherents  of  the  Old 


*Zwingli  had  four  children — two  sons  and  two  daughters.  The 
oldest,  William,  died  at  the  age  of  fifteen.  Ulrich,  the  next  son, 
inherited  in  some  measure  his  father's  gifts  as  well  as  his  name. 
As  a  clergyman  and  professor  of  Hebrew  and  theology  he  was 
for  a  long  time  actively  connected  with  the  Great  Minster  in 
Zurich.  Regula,  the  older  of  the  daughters,  married  Rudolf 
Gualther,  pastor  of  St.  Peter's  in  Zurich  and  editor  of  the  first 
edition  of  Zwingli's  works  (1547).  The  younger  daughter,  Anna, 
died  in  infancy. 


278  ULRICH    ZWINGLI 

Faith  and  assented  to  by  Zurich,  removed  forever 
all  hope  of  further  progress  along  the  lines  hither- 
to pursued. 

While  the  dream  of  Zwingli — the  extension  of 
the  Reformation  to  the  Forest  Cantons — failed 
of  realization;  while  his  theological  views  re- 
specting the  sacraments,  because  superseded  al- 
most immediately  by  the  views  of  John  Oalvin, 
have  had  little  influence  on  the  doctrinal  thought 
of  Christendom;  while  as  an  aggressive  move- 
ment the  Reformation  itself  did  not  outlive  the 
man  to  whom  it  owed  its  beginning;  while  the 
Protestant  churches  have  so  far  forgotten  their 
indebtedness  to  him  as  to  be  almost  unacquainted 
with  his  name ;  nevertheless  the  labor  of  his  life 
abides.  The  conquests  made  under  his  leader- 
ship remain  unto  this  day;  for  German  Switzer- 
land at  present  is  as  dominantly  Protestant  as 
when  Bullinger  penned  these  words  of  triumph- 
ant eulogy :  "  Not  to  any  person  or  age,  but  to 
God  alone  must  be  'ascribed  the  victory  of  truth. 
Christ  himself  was  put  to  death,  but  forty  years 
later  the  ensign  of  the  cross  was  raised  over  the 
ruins  of  Jerusalem.  Truth,  accordingly,  does  not 
triumph  through  not  being  tried ;  rather  in  trial 
does  truth  find  its  vindication.  By  the  power  of 
divine  grace  the  Christian  mounts  to  victory  on 
wings  of  weakness.  The  victory  follows  in  God's 


THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  CAPPEL 


279 


time  ;  and  with  Him  a  thousand  years  are  as  one 
day.  Nor  are  the  rewards  of  victory  bestowed 
on  a  single  one,  but  every  combatant  receives 
a  crown  wfio  suffers  and  dies  for  the  truth." 


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und   der 

nament- 


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Whately,  Miss:  The  Story  of  Ulrich  Zwingli,  and  the 
Reformation  in  German  Switzerland.  1863. 

Wise,  Daniel:  Ulrich  Zwingli.  Boston  1850.  2.  ed. 
Boston  1882. 

Zeller,  Eduard:  Das  theologische  System  Zwinglis  in 
seinen  Grundzugen  dargestellt.  i.  in  Theolo- 
gische Jahrbiichered.  Zeller.  12.  Bd. 


1853   pag.    94   ff.,    245    if.,   445    ^-»   und   2.   separat 
Tubingen  1853. 

:  Ueber  den  Ursprung  und  Charakter  des  Zwing- 
lischen  Lehrbegriffs  mit  Beziehung  auf  die  neueste 
Darstellung  desselben,  in  Theologiscbe 
Jahrbiicher  ed.  Zeller.  16.  Bd.  1857 
pag.  i  ff. 


INDEX 


Aarau,  233 

Aargau,   81,    261 

Abstaining  from  and  Par- 
taking of  Meats;  Of- 
fense-giving and  Strife, 
104 

Adam,  48 

Adrian  VI.,  Pope,  124 

Aebli,    Landammann,    231 

Against  the  Celestial 
Prophets,  175 

Against  the  Fanatics,  180 

Agricola,  Stephen,  190 

Albert,  Matthew,  175 

Albis,  268 

Alsace,  32,   254 

Alt-St-Johann,  20 

Altmann,  20 

Ambrose,  47,  61 

Ambrosian  ritual,  47 

Anabaptists,   145 

"Angel  Consecration,"  58, 
62,  118 

Annotations  of  Erasmus, 
61 

Appenzell,  Canton  of,  n, 
20,  136 

Archeteles,  49,  94,  107 

Aristotle,  80 

Augsburg  Confession,  13 

Augsburg,  Diet  of,  208 

Austria,  215,  224,  244 

Baden,  82,  117,  160 

Basel,  n,  92 

Basel    University,    17,    29, 

131 

Bellinzona,  41 
Bern,  Canton  of,  n,  81 


Bern,  Council  of,  160 

Biel,  218,  234 

Black  Death,  85 

Blaarer,  Diethelm,  245 

Blarer,  Thomas,  213 

Bias,  157 

Blaurock,  George,  148,  154, 

156 

Bologna,  208 
Boschenstein,  96 
Bregenz,  245 
Bremgarten,  216 
Brendlin,  Dr.  Nicholas,  100 
Brenz,  Johann,  190 
Brisgau,  254 
Brunnen,  263 
Buenzli,  Gregory,  26,  27 
Bullinger,  Dean,  82,  225 
Bullinger,  Henry,  225,  258, 

260,  276 
Burg,  Pastor  of,  139 

Caesar,  Julius,  108 
Calvin,  John,  13,  18,  278 
Cambray,  League  of,  41 
Canon  of  the  Mass,  The, 

128 

Capito,   17,  92 
Cappel,  230,  264 
Carlstadt,     Andrew,     148, 

1 66,  174 
Carolinum,   187 
Charles  I.,  of  Spain,  97 
Charles  V.,  172,  183,  208 
"  Christian         Burgher 

Rights,"  213 
Chrysostom,  61,  77 
Churfirsten,  20 
Cicero,  36 


294 


INDEX 


Clearness  and  Certainty  of 

the  Word  of  God,  no 
Coburg,  209 
Coire,  15 

Coire,  Bishop  of,  131 
Comander,  John,  157 
Commentary  on  the  True 
and  False  Religion.  142, 
175 

Confession  of  Faith,  172 
Conrad  von  Rechberg,  59 
Cruciger,  Caspar,  188 

Demosthenes,  80 

Eck,  John,  159,  209 

Egentius,  poet,  85 

Einsiedeln,  Abbey  of,  55, 
57 

Engelhardt,  Dr.  Heinrich, 
135 

England,  14 

Erasmus,  17,  38,  52,  68, 
169 

Erlach,  Burgomaster  of, 
225 

"  Eternal  covenant/'  n 

Europe,  9,  39,  240 

Exposition  and  Proof  of 
the  Conclusions  or  Ar- 
ticles, 127 

Faber,  John,  66,  89,  158 
Fable,  Lawrence,  71 
Fahr,  Cloister  of,  6b 
Ferdinand,  Grand  Duke  of 

Austria,   183 
Fislispach,  109 
"  Five  Places,"  211 
Forest  Cantons,  136 
France,  62,  219 
Francis  I.,  of  France,  45, 

97,  142 

Frauenfeld,  216 
Frau  Minister,  136 
Frederick,   Elector  of  the 

Palatinate,   210 
Freiburg,  n,  136,  234 
Fulgentius,   195 


Funk,  Ulrich,  187 

Gams,  20 

Gaster,  227 

Geisshiissler,    Oswald,   see 

Myconius,  Oswald. 
Geneva,  15,  18 
German,  Kilian,  245 
Geroldseck,  Theobold  von, 

59,  73,   135,  276 
Glareanus,       see       Loriti, 

Henry. 

Glarus,  Canton  of,  n 
Goeldli,    Captain    George, 

Goldli,  Henry,  33 

Great  Minster,  69,  112,  127 

Grebel,    Conrad,    147,    150, 

Greece,  12 
Grisons,  157,  234 

Haller,    Berthold,   95,    161 

Hase,   145 

Hedio,  17,  64,  88,  92 

Hetzer,  Ludwig,   129 

Hitzkirch,   264 

Hoen,  Cornelius,  168 

Hoffman,  Canon,  77,  103, 
136 

Hofmeister,  Sebastian,  157 

Hohengeroldseck,  Theo- 
bold von,  same  as  Ger- 
oldseck, 55 

Holland,  14 

Homer,  80 

Huber,  Conrad,  99 

Hug,   158 

Hummelberger,  Michael, 
105 

Ifelsberg,  270 

Ilanz,  157 

Italy,   47,   62,  84 

Ittingen,     Monastery     of, 

139 

Janssen,  75 
Jauch,  John,  272 
Jerome,  St.,  59,  6"! 


INDEX 


295 


Jonas,  Justus,  188 
Joner,   Abbot,  276 
Jud,   Leo,  32,   118,   132 
Judgment  of  God  Against 

Images,   The,   129 
Julius  II.,  Pope,  33,  40,  41 

Kaiser  (Schlosser),  Jacob, 

228 
Knox,  John,  19 

"Labyrinth,  The,"  43 

Lahn,  Valley  of,   189 

Lake  Walenstadt,  57 

Lake  Zurich,  20 

Lambert,  Francis,  no 

Lausanne,  15 

Lavater,   Rudolf,  231,  255 

Lenzburg,  234 

Leo  VIII.,  Pope,  58 

Leo  X.,   Pope,  45,  68,  83, 

98 

Lindau,   208 
Lombard,  Peter,  31 
Lombardy,  116,  221 
Loriti  (Glareanus),  Henry, 

29,  52 

Louis  XIL,  40,  41 
Lucerne,  Canton  of,  n,  81 
Lucerne,  City  of,  90,  126 
Lupulus,  see  Woelflin. 
Luther,  13 
Lutheranism,  14 
Luti,  96 
Lysighaus,  21 

Manuel,   Nicholas,   238 
Manz,  Felix,  147,  154,  156 
Marburg,  186 
Marburg  Conference,  17 
Marignano,    Battle    of,    46 
Maximilian   I.,   29,   41,   97 
Maximus,  Valerius,  36 
Meili,   John,  22 
Meili,   Margaret,  22 
Meinrad,  of  Hohenzollern, 

57 
Melanchthon,  33,  96 


Memmingen,  208 

Meyer  von  Knonau,  Ger- 

old,  276 
Meyer  von  Knonau,  Hans, 

112 

Milan,  258 

Milan,  Duchy  of,  40,  41,  44 
Monza,  46 

Muelhausen,  218,  234 
Muller,  George,  261 
Muri,  Cloister  of,  230 
Musso,  Castellan  of,  247 
Myconius,   Friedrich,    190 
Myconius,  Oswald,  23,  26, 

27,  28,  30,  35,  37,  39,  49, 

55,  68,  79,  80,  90,  106,  268 

Nesen,   105 

Neuchatel,  258 

"  New  Learning,"  27 

Novara,  40 

Novara,  Battle  of,  45 

Novel  Error  of  the  Sacra- 

mentarians,   175 
Niirnberg,   184 

Oberkirch,   228 
Occam,  William  of,  171 
Oechslin,  John,  60 
CEcolampadius,  17,  160 
Oetenbach,     Nunnery     of, 

no 

Origen,  61 

Osiander,  Andreas,   190 
"  Ox  and  the  Other  Beasts, 

The,"  43 

Paul,   St.,  104 

Pauline  Epistles,  61 

Peasants'  War,  146 

Pfaefers,  Mineral  Springs 
of,  84 

Pharisees,  50 

Philip,  Landgrave  of 
Hesse,  184 

Pico  della  Mirandola,  Gio- 
vanni, 39 

Plato,   80 


296 


INDEX 


Pomeranus,  175 
Puccius,   Antonius,   65 

Rapperswyl,  33 
Reformation,  9,  10 
Reinhardt,  112,  276 
Reuchlin,  96 
Reuss,  261 
Rhaetia,  157 
Rheinthal,  216 
Rhenanus,  79,  80 
Rhine,  215 
Rhodius,    168 
Roman  Empire,  15 
Rorschach,   Castle  of,  226 
Rubellus,  96 
Rubli,  99 

Sacramentarians,  176,  186, 

219 

Sagarus,  168,  258 
St.  Gall,  Abbey  of,  245 
St  Gall,  Canton  of,  20 
St.  Gallen,  29 
St.  Gotthard  Alps,  67,  84 
St.  Luke,  Abbot  of,  157 
St.   Martin,  School  of,  29 
St.       Theodore,       Parish 

School  of,  26 
Salandronius,  157 
Samson,    Bernhardin,    67, 

81 

Saxony,   147 
Saxony,  Elector  of,  184 
Schaffhausen,  n,  122 
Schappeler,  Doctor,   132 
Schinner,  Matthew,  41,  44, 

46,  65,  98 

Schmidt,  Comthur,  237 
Schwyz,  Canton  of,  n,  69, 

81 

Scotland,  14 
Sentis,  20 

Sforza,  Lodovico,  40 
Sforza,  Maximilian,  41,  44 
Shepherd,  The,   133 
Simmler,  96 
Sixty-seven  Articles,  120 


Smalcald,  223 
Soleure,  n,  234 
Som,  Conrad,  241 
Sophists,  29 
Sommerigkopf,  20 
Speier,  Diet  of,  184 
Speier,  Protest  of,  183 
Stadelhofen,   130 
Staheli,  96 
Stall,  Ulrich,  230 
Stein,  158 
Strasburg,   184 
Stumpf,  Simon,  147 
Sturm,  Jacob,  219 
Swabia,  105,  231 
Swabian  Syngramma,  The, 

176 
Swiss  Confederation,  The, 

II 


Tell,  William,  25 
Coi 
208" 


Tetrapolitan       Confession, 


Thucidides,  80 

Thur,  20 

Thurgau,  234 

Thurgovia,  258 

Ticino,  Canton  of,  67 

Toggenburg,  Valley  of,  20, 
156 

Tonig,  Captain  William, 
268 

Tschudi,  ^Egidius,  52;  Pe- 
ter, 52;  Valentine,  52, 

78 
Tubingen,  31 

Turin,  45 
Tyrol,  The,  44 

Ulm,  184 

Ulrich,  Duke  of  Wurtem- 

berg,  219 
Unterwalden,    Canton    of, 

n,  81 

Uri,  Canton  of,  n,  67,  68 
Utinger,   Canon,  74 

Vadian,  see  Watt,  Joachim 
von. 


INDEX 


297 


Valais,  258 
Valtellina,  247 
Venice,  219 
Verona,  44 

Vienna,   67;   Congress   of, 
II ;   University  of,  28 

Wadenswil,  266 
Waldshut,  217 
Wanner,  John,  100,  213 
Wartburg,   56;    Castle   of, 

105 
Watt,   Joachim  von    (Va- 

dian),  28,  56,  132 
Wattli,  Melchior,  100 
Weinfeld,  216 
Weiss,   Urban,    109,    117 
Wessel,   John,   168 
Wildhaus,   21,   29,   85 
Winterthur,  96 


Wirth,  bailiff,  139 
Wittenberg,  145,  147,  177 
Woelflin,  Heinrich  (Lupu- 

lus),  27 
Worms,   105 
Wyl,  20,  231 
Wyttenbach,   Thomas,    17, 

3i,  169 

Xylotectus   (Joannes  Zitn- 
mermann),   in 

Zeno,  182 

Zinc,  Francis,  60,  125 

Zollikon,  151 

Zug,    Canton    of,    n,   81; 

City  of,  138,  231 
Zurich,  Canton  of,  n 
Zwickau,  145 
Zwingli,  Andrew,  85,  89 


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